I have provided 4 questions. help me answer them.

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I have provided 4 questions. help me answer them.

I have provided 4 questions. help me answer them.
Explain (i) new gendered spaces that have developed in response to the changing roles of women living in cities, and (ii) the urban spaces of older people.  In your answer, briefly discuss how these spaces may be viewed as dimensions of the sociospatial dialectic.  Answers: This approach draws from explanations of the historical development of society. Specifically, it is argued that differing gender roles developed due to the changing nature of economic production. Thus, in the nineteenth century era of early industrial capitalism, men were wage-earners outside the home, while women were allocated domestic and supportive roles inside the home. As a result, there was a clear separation of home and work with women economically dependent on men. In the twentieth century, the advent of the service society resulted in extensive female employment, although mainly in supportive roles. by 2009, almost 63% of Canadian adult females participated in the labor force compared to approximately 42% during the mid-1970s (Yeates, 1998, 411; Statistics Canada, 2010). While male and female wage differentials have declined over time, a significant wage gap still persists. This theoretical approach attempts to explain why labor inequalities persist. It is argued that class control relates to the fact that men largely control the income, with women thus economically dependent upon men. In other words, men are considered to be in privileged positions and wish to retain their power. Consequently, social status is reproduced in different ways for men and women (Pratt and Hanson, 1988). For instance, the family-based class position of women (based on their husband’s occupation) may not coincide with their class position in relation to their own paid-employment status. Also, women’s experiences of social status are highly variable through time as a result of the impact of childbearing roles on their participation in the paid labor force. In recent years, more women have assumed more traditionally male job positions thereby creating gender conflict, with women challenging male domination. Gender conflict may be resolved through the emergence of the symmetrical family, with both women’s work (e.g., housekeeping) and men’s work (i.e., generating wage income) undertaken by both partners in the household. In the industrial city, the distinctive roles assumed by women were typically undertaken in spaces based on domestic settings. For instance, poorer women living in central city locations often obtained money to supplement family income by taking on additional surrogate family functions (e.g., house cleaning, childcare, the provision of houseroom and household services for lodgers, etc.) in either their own or other people’s domestic settings. The domestic settings of middle-income women were more typically suburban. By the late nineteenth century, a bourgeois social construction of suburban life was common to both males and females. Specifically, this social construction incorporated the clear separation of home from work, social distancing, espousal of the nuclear family, male economic dominance, and female domestic subordination, with the home treated as a feminine domain. Socially constructed middle-class suburban life was further reinforced by the construction of appropriately designed homes and the advancement of the female ideal of domesticity by the print media. Throughout much of the twentieth century, suburban settings ensured not only the social reproduction of the middle class, but also of gender roles comprised of male breadwinners and female homemakers occupying spaces largely confined to the home residence. In addition to increased female participation in the labor force since World War II, other important changes that have impacted on the roles of women likewise reflect shifts in social attitudes in North America. In particular, the percentage of households comprised of married couples with their own children have decreased, while the proportions of single-female-parent households and single childless women have both increased in association with accelerated rates of divorce. In turn, these changes have resulted in the restructuring of the lifeworlds of women, with distinctive new spaces in both the inner city and suburbia. Three important examples are provided below. Inner City Spaces: The Feminization of PovertyIn general, poverty is greater among women than men. The feminization of poverty is attributable to low wage rates, lack of employment security, shortage of affordable day care, lack of adequate pensions, and inadequate support costs following separation and divorce. Inner cities, with their low-cost rental housing, include disproportionately high percentages of poor women, especially single-female-parent households. The lifeworlds of this segment of women in some inner cities may be further restricted by threats of physical violence. In fact, they are very often unable or unwilling to walk alone in their home neighbourhoods.The header image for Week 19 (see introductory page) clearly discloses the heavy concentration of single-female-parent households in Winnipeg’s inner city. This spatial bias is consistent with the patterns described in Murdie’s model of residential structure, with households characterized by low family status (including single-female-parent households) occupying the innermost concentric zones of the city (Week 15). See also the spatial distribution of Winnipeg’s senior households in 2006 (Figure 16.3) and the related audio file. Suburban Spaces: The Spatial Entrapment of WomenTogether with women in the inner city who usually have limited access to automobiles, many lower-income suburban women may be viewed as spatially entrapped. This is because they place a high priority on gaining paid employment close to their residence so that they may continue to assume their household responsibilities. Conversely, business activities (particularly back-office and customer service activities) can take advantage of cheap local pools of suburban female labor by locating in decentralized nucleations and edge cities. Suburban Spaces: New Materialistic LifestylesIncreasing numbers of high-income two-worker suburban households without children (DINKS) are enjoying the more opulent forms of new materialistic lifestyle described in Week 17. As a result, both the male and female members of these households are creating distinctive new urban spaces based on customized and personalized consumption patterns. Thus, the important dimensions of their lifeworlds not only include their respective workplaces and commuter trips, but also spaces of recreation, entertainment, and leisure. Somewhat paradoxically, the latter spaces may be spaces of work (exploitation) for relatively poor women who depend on service-intensive employment. Identify and explain the main factors governing future urban development around the world.  In relation to North American urban areas, discuss (i) the changes in metropolitan form that are most likely to take place in the future, and (ii) the changes that are necessary to ensure sustainable urban development.  Answers: The following five sets of change factors have implications for urban futures. Economic Change: The most important economic change relates to the ongoing globalization of the world economy. The increasing interdependence of world cities will further consolidate their role as basing points for capital and corporate control centres, thus constituting a polycentred global urban network. The network of other metropolitan areas that assume the role of informational cities will likely develop further as routine informational functions become increasingly standardized and specialized. The most rapid growth among specialized informational cities is likely to take place in those that are also innovative milieu (i.e., inventive powerhouses with concentrations of Research and Development activity). Conversely, traditional North American manufacturing regions may experience deindustrialization as transnational corporations increasingly shift productive capacity and jobs to less developed countries. Demographic Change: The main demographic growth factor in North American cities is likely to be immigration, with increasing numbers of newcomers living in older suburban areas. Increasingly, more immigrants will be required meet the labor needs of both Canada and the United States as the Baby Boom generation reaches old age while the young adult population is relatively modest in size. Social Change: Continued social polarization within world cities is likely. An important outcome of the splintering urbanism associated with informational cities is the further fragmentation of lifestyle groupings (e.g., “green” lifestyles, lifestyles of “conspicuous frugality”, gay lifestyles, etc.) both within and between cities. Cultural Change: There is increasing evidence of a “global culture”, with cities becoming increasingly homogenized and standardized in appearance in response to a “promotional culture” or “Disneyfication.” Political Change: The problems associated with political fragmentation of metropolitan areas (see Week 22) are likely to continue. However, in response to the increasing global interdependence of cities, we are witnessing the emergence of municipal foreign policy: the direct involvement of local governments in international relations (usually with overseas localities) and international affairs (with national governments home and abroad). Pages 60-64 of Simmons and McCann (2006) article included in the Readings Package provide useful projections of Canada’s urban system in the future. While only a 20% increase in the total Canadian population is projected over the period 2001-2026, Table 3.8 in the article forecasts an almost 31% increase in the nation’s nine largest metropolitan regions (i.e., contiguous urban areas that share facilities, services, and workplaces) in the nation’s urban system. The highest percentages are recorded by the Georgia Basin – Vancouver/Victoria (54%), Toronto region (43%), Ottawa-Gatineau (34%), and Alberta Corridor – Edmonton-Calgary (28%). These metropolitan regions should continue to benefit from postindustrial growth (with particular emphasis on producer services), and represent major magnets for capital and future immigration. As a result, the population of the Toronto region is projected to approach almost 10 million people by 2026, while in the same year the Georgia Basin’s population is forecast to exceed 4.1 million people. Each of the other five regions is projected to register positive percentage growth, although note that the value for the Montreal region is only 4%. In fact, by 2026 the population of the Georgia Basin is projected to exceed that of the Montreal region. Figure 24.1 portrays the location of the current macro-urban regions of North America. Of these regions, the largest is BOSNYWASH extending from north of Boston to south of Washington DC, with an estimated population of 55 million in 2006 (US Bureau of the Census, 2010). In general, the populations of these regions (which include world cities and major informational cities) are projected by the US Bureau of the Census to continue growing in the next few decades, with California and Florida registering the most rapid population percentage increases. One possible exception to this trend may be the American segment of Lower Great Lakes Region (extending from Milwaukee to Syracuse) with a population of 40 million people in 2000. Here, recent population increases have been modest partly as a result of the deindustrialization that has occurred in many cities located in the old Manufacturing Belt and this trend is likely to continue. Overall, applications of leading information, communications, and biosynthetic technologies to industrial and service activities may generate wider regional variations in growth rates thus far experienced in the United States. Also, a number of “emerging” macro-urban regions are currently developing and include: The Salt Lake City region The Denver-Colorado-Springs Pueblo Corridor The Arizona Sun Corridor (includes Phoenix and Tucson) The Interstate 70 Corridor in Kansas, Missouri and Illinois (includes Kansas City and St. Louis) In most North American cities, it is highly likely that decentralization processes will continue into the foreseeable future with further development of outer suburbs, edge cities, stealth cities, exurban corridors, office parks, and urban realms. The scale of these developments is already sufficiently extensive to justify the use of terms such as the “galactic metropolis” or “extended metropolitan region” to describe contemporary North American urbanization. Conversely, there are factors that are likely to encourage the counter-tendency of centralization in at least some North American cities where sufficient investment is targeted to CBDs and inner cities in order to allow the development of new patterns of land use (e.g., brownfield redevelopment and continued gentrification) and employment opportunities. Certainly, the outcomes of the interplay of the forces of decentralization and centralization already raise questions concerning the efficacy of classical urban land use models that view internal structures in terms of relatively simple concentric zones or sectoral patterns. In fact, the built environment of the innermost metropolitan rings is likely to become increasingly restless due to increasing physical deterioration and obsolescence, the impact of redevelopment programs, and significantly reduced population densities. On the other hand, the highest population densities may eventually be registered in the Fordist automobile suburbs. In future, it is unlikely that there will be significant amelioration of the urban social problems (e.g., poverty) that we examined in Week 21, while problems of fiscal stress are likely to hamper improvements in municipal service provision and the renewal of obsolete infrastructure. On the other hand, possible political change encompassing a green urbanism movement could produce the changes necessary to ensure the sustainability of metropolitan areas. These changes include the provision of improved public transport facilities, increased production and use of renewable energy, more tree-planting in and around cities, restrictions on automobile use, reduced commuter times through a better spatial balance of jobs and homes, and the decongesting of inner cities. However, it must be acknowledged that the realization of the objectives of programs of sustainable urban development in North America will require dramatic shifts in the attitudes of the vast majority of urban dwellers who remain heavily dependent on automobile travel. Explain the major “eras of urban expansion” in the world between 500 B.C. and 1900 A.D.  For each of these eras, (i) discuss the main factors that impacted on urban growth, and (ii) provide examples of cities that assumed particular importance.   Answer: Name of Era Time Period 1. Imperial Cities 500 BC – 500 AD 2. Dark Ages 500 AD – 1000 AD 3. European Medieval (Revival) 1000 AD – 1300 AD 4. Renaissance and Baroque 1300 AD – 1750 AD 5. Industrial Revolution 1750 AD – 1900 AD Imperial Cities (500 BC – 500 AD) Although urbanization spread outward from the regions of origin, it was characterized by uneven development over both time and space. Toward the conclusion of the first millennium BC, “…the growth of large stable empires finally allowed for the development of truly huge cities of perhaps a million or more” (Kaplan et al., 2004, p. 38). Over time, cities became larger because: they gained a large hinterland from which they extracted surplus grain (i.e., the surplus product); agricultural technology improved thus resulting in greater surpluses; improvements in transportation occurred; and they had their own urban productive dynamic based on religious, political, and trading functions. Two notable examples of the ancient city systems with typically gridiron street patterns are: Greek Cities which were largely the consequence of the spread of city-building ideas from the Fertile Crescent to the Mediterranean as early as 800 BC. Greek city-states were typically governed by collective group power. This administrative structure appears to have reduced land use divisions between elite and non-elite groups within cities. At the centre of the city was the acropolis (temple area or high city), below which were the agora (common meeting places and market areas). Greek cities were relatively small, although Athens probably had a population as large as 150,000. Roman Cities were created throughout the Roman Empire both to project Roman power and facilitate trading. It has been estimated that the Roman Empire contained as many as 1,200 cities controlled by Rome. Roman cities usually contained a central forum surrounded by a main temple, public baths and theatres, with a large amphitheatre for recreational pursuits located in the outskirts of the community. However, Roman cities differed from their Greek counterparts in that their internal structures reflected the Roman class system. For example, housing was divided between elite single-family units (known as domus), and three- to six-story tenements (known as insulae) where most of the population lived. The city of Rome (see Figure 3.1) contained at least as many as 1 million people by 300 AD and had seven walls which extended 11.5 miles in circumference. The Dark Ages (500 AD – 1000 AD) During the Dark Ages, Western Europe experienced approximately five centuries of deurbanizaton associated with a decline in urbanization. However, urban life did flourish in other regions of the world including parts of the Middle East (e.g., Mecca and Medina), and parts of North Africa (e.g., Cairo) and sub-Saharan Africa (e.g., Timbuktu and Kano). Although feudalism hampered the development of European cities, some did assume importance as ecclesiastical or university centres (e.g., Canterbury, England), defensive strongholds (e.g., the hilltop town of Foligno, central Italy), and administrative hubs (e.g., Magdeburg, Germany). European Medieval Revival (1000 AD – 1300 AD) The main impetus for the urban revival during this period was the weakening of feudalism together and the advent of capitalism involving merchants, craftsmen, manufacturers, and artisans. Much of this activity was concentrated in trading cities which relied on surpluses accruing from buying and selling within extensive commercial hinterlands. While the number cities began to expand, only a few had populations exceeding 50,000, with most of these (e.g., Constantinople, Seville) attached to empires. While medieval towns were often heavily fortified with walls and castles, their internal structure was typically developed organically around an open square for markets with major public buildings and places of worship located in close proximity. The focus of activity was still tied up with ports and waterways. Around the North Sea and Baltic coasts, a trading association of approximately 200 towns formed the Hanseatic League. The Renaissance and Baroque Period (1300 AD – 1750 AD) During this period, world urbanization was stimulated and reshaped by the Protestant Reformation, the scientific revolution of the Renaissance, and overseas colonization. Gateway cities (e.g., Rio de Janeiro and Calcutta) were established around the world for the purpose of collecting and exporting raw materials to Europe. These colonial trading activities mainly benefited European port cities along the North Sea and the Atlantic – for instance, London had grown to a population of 500,000 by 1700. The European cities during this period (particularly the Baroque which commenced in the sixteenth century) aesthetically improved in appearance due to various forms of urban beautification associated with new forms of art, architecture, and planning (e.g., the use of sculpture in public places and the embellishment of monumental buildings). The Industrial Revolution (1750 AD – 1900 AD)   Audio Title Living Conditions in Nineteenth Century Industrial Cities Download transcript file here Rapid levels of urbanization were made possible by the Industrial Revolution which commenced in Europe (most notably England) during the late eighteenth century. The Industrial Revolution involved a set of complementary processes including: changes in the power supply (associated with the steam engine), technical improvements in machinery (e.g., the invention of the mechanical power loom), introduction of mass production and the factory system (involving the coordination of the activities of large numbers of workers), lower death rates (due to improved medical technology), large-scale maritime trade (which was enhanced by colonialism); and increases in agricultural productivity. These changes resulted in a new economy that required a large urban workforce to support the production and exchange of urban goods. In England, the urban population increased from 20% in 1800 to 60% per cent in 1890, with Manchester representing the shock city of European urbanization. The internal spatial arrangements of industrial cities were characterized by massive disparities in living conditions, with the emergence of extensive areas of slums that accommodated factory workers near to their places of employment. In the nineteenth century, large-scale industrialization and urbanization spread throughout much of North America. 4.Describe and explain the reshaping of the spatial form of the North American city that has occurred since 1973.  In your answer, comment on the impact of economic restructuring, globalization, and new digital communications on the “new metropolitan form” that has evolved during this period.  Answer: This short period witnessed the onset of periods of recession and instability in the United States, which have continued to the present time. The economy was characterized by soaring oil prices, stagflation (falling demand and rising inflation), relative declines in manufacturing accompanied by the rapid growth of the service sector (i.e., the postindustrial economy), rising unemployment, relative declines in household purchasing power, and the advent of government deregulation. The global dominance of U.S. corporations declined with the rise in the economic strength of Southeast Asia and the European Union, and the development of a highly integrated world financial market. The accelerated decline of the Manufacturing Belt during this period has been characterized as deindustrialization. As a result, organized Fordist mass production/consumption was increasingly replaced by flexible production systems to exploit specific market segments and/or market niches. Permissive or enabling technologies (such as automated manufacturing, computer-based just-in-time inventory control systems, and circulation technologies) have facilitated the restructuring of the U.S. economy in terms of relationships between corporate capital, labor, and the state. The greater locational and organizational flexibility associated with these technologies has enabled larger corporations to take advantage of spatial variations in (i) the costs of land and labor, and (ii) local rates of taxation. As a result of these changes: The old Manufacturing Core now appears to be contracting toward the more diversified economies of New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. The most rapid growth has taken place in what were formerly peripheral metropolitan areas extending in a southerly band from California to the Carolinas. The informational mode of development with an emphasis on high-tech communications, professional and business services is replacing the industrial mode of development. Thus, many of the larger (e.g., Boston) and rapidly growing midsized (e.g., Raleigh-Durham) U.S. metropolitan areas have been characterized as informational (or postindustrial) cities which act as foci for information flows. Go to Table 4.1 in the textbook. Some North American cities have become so closely integrated within the global economic system that they are known as world cities, a term originally proposed by Patrick Geddes. The world cities identified in Table 4.1 of the textbook represent an update of Friedmann’s (1986) classification of world cities (see Table 8.1 of the instructional content). As you will see, Friedman originally cross-classified 30 cities into (a) 11 primary cities versus 19 secondary cities, and (b) 18 cities in “core countries” versus 12 cities in “semi-periphery cities”. In Friedmann’s classification, two of the core countries are the USA (3 primary cities, 4 secondary cities) and Canada (1 secondary city). World cities share the following characteristics: An internal structure based on economic activities, division of labor, etc., that is the product of supranational forces which may not be congruent with national forces such as national social policies. Serve as basing points for the pricing of capital (e.g., interest rates), and the ways in which production and distribution are organized. Are major sites for the concentration of capital and in-migrants (seeking employment in a dynamic economic environment. Are places of intense social and class-spatial polarization. Social polarization is particularly acute where the social costs (e.g., for health or education) may exceed the fiscal capabilities of the local tax base. Table 4.1 in the textbook identifies 40 top-level world cities that are organized into a four-tier hierarchy. The two highest-class (Alpha ++) cities are London and New York. These cities are prioritized on the basis of (a) the importance of their financial markets, (b) domination of the respective continent in which each is located, and (c) involvement in the organization and management of global financial and production systems. Possible world cities of the future include Philadelphia, Atlanta, Minneapolis, Dallas, and Vancouver. Clicke here for more information about world cities Table 8.1 World Cities: Friedmann’s Classification Core Countries Semi-Periphery Countries Primary Cities Secondary Cities Primary Cities Secondary Cities   Brussels     London   Sao Paulo Johannesburg   Milian     Paris   Singapore Buenos Aires   Vienna     Rotterdam     Rio de Janeiro    Madrid     Frankfurt     Caracas Zurich Toronto   Mexico City New York     Taipei Chicago Miami   Manila Los Angeles Houston   Bangkok   San Francisco   Seoul Tokyo Sydney Since the early 1970s, globalization, the influence of new digital telecommunications, and neo-Fordist modes of production have left their collective imprint on urban form. Collectively, these advances have resulted in the fragmentation of the social, economic and material fabric of urban areas, while intensifying social and economic inequalities within cities. This process has been termed splintering urbanism. Figure 4.25 in the textbook is a cartogram summarizing the main features of the polycentric or galactic metropolis of the present era. In this figure you will see that a major organizational component of the fragmented multi-nodal structure of the neo-Fordist metropolis is the edge city (see also the header image for Week 18). In addition to edge cities, boomburbs represent key components of the polycentric metropolis. Boomburbs are fast-growing suburban jusrisdictions with populations exceeding 100,000. They are typically located along interstate beltways that ring large metropolitan areas especially in the Southwest of the United States (e.g., Mesa, Arizona, outside Phoenix). Functionally, boomburbs are similar to edge cities with housing, retailing, entertainment, and office elements. Unlike edge cities, however, boomburbs lack a dense business core. In recent years, employment has become increasingly dispersed throughout entire urban regions. This process has been referred to as scatteration (Coffey and Shearmur, 2006). Accordingly, the term edgeless city appropriately describes widely scattered office developments, often consisting of single buildings at very low densities. Concurrently, the development of urban realms (i.e., large economic subregions linked by urban freeways across approximately 100 miles) in the largest polycentric metropolises has produced landscapes that are not suburban in conventional terms. Nevertheless, edge cities continue to play an important role as foci of higher-order services and office activities in North American metropolitan areas. Note: the Bunting et al. (2007) article in the Readings Package provides an in-depth examination of the factors that have contributed to the development of dispersed styles of urban form in mid-size North American cities, with particular reference to CMA of Kitchener, Ontario. Contemporary levels of urbanization in many European countries are comparable with North America. The urban systems of Canada, the United States, and Europe may be described by the core-periphery model. In the European context, the core is formed by the coalescence of megalopolitan regions in parts of Western Europe. Of particular note is the Rhine-Ruhr megapolitan region of Germany and Ranstad megapolitan region of the Netherlands.  The European core contains at least eight world cities including London, one of the world’s three dominant world cities. The core cities economically, politically, and technologically dominate the cities located in the periphery. However, in recent years improved transportation linkages have served to facilitate the integration of the entire European urban system. Furthermore, the increasing importance of cities in the semi-periphery such as Budapest, Warsaw, and Prague suggests that the centre of gravity of the present core may gradually shift eastward in the future.
I have provided 4 questions. help me answer them.
ARCTIC OCEAN PACIFIC OCEAN SOUTHERN OCEAN ATLANTIC OCEAN ATLANTICOCEAN Caribbean Sea Gulf of Mexico Labrador Sea Beaufort Sea Chukchi Sea Bering Sea Baffin Bay Hudson Bay Gulf of Alaska 160° 140° 120° 100° 80° 60° 40°20° 160° 140° 120° 100° 80° 60° 40° 80° 60° 40° 20° 20° 40° 60° 80° 0° Antarctic Circle Tropic of Capricorn Equator Tropic of Cancer CANADA UNITED STATES BRAZIL MEXICO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY CHILEARGENTINA KIRIBATI SENEGAL SIERRA LEONE GUINEA-BISSAU GAMBIA CAPE VERDE ICELAND TONGA SAMOA ECUADOR SURINAME GUYANA (FR.) (FR.) (N.Z.) (U.S.) (U.S.) (U.S.) (N.Z.) (N.Z.) (U.K.) (U.K.)(U.K.) (PORT.) (DEN.) (SP.)(MOR.) (FR.) (FR.) (U.K.) (ECUADOR) American Samoa French Polynesia Niue Tokelau Cook Islands Wallis and Futuna Pitcairn IslandsGalápagos Islands Falkland IslandsAzores Canary Islands Hawaii BermudaSt. Pierre and Miquelon South Georgia WesternSahara Greenland (KalaallitNunaat) Alaska French Guiana NORTH AMERICA SOUTH AMERICA ANTARCTICA See Caribbean Inset ATLANTIC OCEAN Caribbean Sea Gulf of Mexico 90° Tropic of Cancer 20° 10° 20° 10° 90° 70° 60° MEXICO UNITED STATES VENEZUELA COLOMBIA GUATEMALA EL SALVADOR BELIZE HONDURAS NICARAGUA BAHAMAS CUBA JAMAICA HAITI DOMINICAN REPUBLIC COSTA RICA PA NA M A GUYANA ST. LUCIA DOMINICA ST. KITTS & NEVIS ANTIGUA & BARBUDA BARBADOS TRINIDAD & TOBAGO GRENADA ST. VINCENT & THE GRENADINES (U.S.) (U.K.) (U.K.) (FR.) (FR.) (NETH.) (NETH.) (U.S.) (NETH.) (U.K.) (U.K.) (U.K.) Puerto Rico Turks & Caicos Islands Cayman Islands Martinique Guadelupe Bonaire Curaçao Virgin Islands Aruba Anguilla British Virgin Islands Montserrat 20–39 0–19 Percentage Urban (2010) Over 80 60–79 40–59 World Urbanization 02,000 Kilometers 0 1,000 1,000 2,000 Miles ARCTIC OCEAN SOUTHERN OCEAN PACIFIC OCEAN INDIAN OCEAN Black Sea Barents Sea East Siberian Sea BeringSea Sea of Okhotsk Seaof Japan East China Sea PhilippineSea CoralSea Tasman Sea South China Sea Norwegian Sea ArabianSea Bay of Bengal North Sea AralSea Lake Baikal Caspian Sea Mediterranean Sea Red Sea ° 0° 20° 40° 60° 80° 100° 120° 140° 160° 20° 0° 20° 40° 60° 80° 100° 120° 140° 160° Arctic Circle 80° 60° 40° 20° 20° 40° 60° 80° 0° Antarctic Circle Equator Tropic of Cancer Prime Meridian AUSTRALIA IRAN IRAQ KAZAKHSTAN SAUDI ARABIA PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN MOROCCO ALGERIA LIBYA EGYPT SUDAN SOUTH SUDAN CHAD NIGER MALI MAURITANIA NIGERIA DEM. REP.OF THE CONGO MADAGASCAR ETHIOPIA ZAMBIA SOMALIA KENYA TANZANIA NAMIBIA ANGOLA SOUTH AFRICA ZIMBABWE MOZAMBIQUE INDIA RUSSIA MONGOLIA CHINA JA PA N TAIWAN PHILIPPINES MALAYSIA TIMOR-LESTE PALAU FIJI VA N UAT U TUVALU SOLOMON ISLANDS NAURU KIRIBATI FEDERATED STATES OF MICRONESIAMARSHALL ISLANDS BRUNEI SINGAPORE CAMBODIA VIETNAM SOUTH KOREA THAILAND NORTH KOREA LAOS MYANMAR (BURMA) BANGLADESH BHUTAN NEPAL SRI LANKA MALDIVES SEYCHELLES MAURITIUS SWAZILAND LESOTHO BURUNDI UGANDA BOTSWANA COMOROS AL REP. OFTHE CONGO GABON BURKINA FASO GUINEA CAMEROON MALAWI RWANDA CENTRAL AFRICAN REP. BENIN GHANA TOGO EQUATORIAL GUINEA SAO TOME & PRINCIPE CÔTE D’IVOIRE LIBERIA NE U ERITREA YEMEN OMAN TAJIKISTAN KYRGYZSTAN TURKMENISTAN UZBEKISTAN AZERBAIJAN DJIBOUTI ARMENIA GEORGIA BAHRAINU.A.E. KUWAIT JORDAN SYRIA ISRAEL LEBANON TUNISIA PAPUA NEW GUINEA INDONESIA NORWAY SWEDEN FINLAND NEW ZEALAND TURKEY Q ATA R (U.K.) (FR.) (FR.) (AUSTRL.) (U.S.) (U.S.) (U.S.) (FR.) (AUSTRL.) (AUSTRL.) (NOR.) (DEN.) R.) (FR.) St. Helena Svalbard Faroe Islands Christmas Island Cocos (Keeling) Islands Kerguelen Is. Réunion Mayotte New Caledonia Norfolk Island Guam Northern Mariana Is. Wake Islandrn ra EUROPE AFRICA ASIA ANTARCTICA AUSTRALIASee Europe Inset Black Sea North Sea Mediterranean Sea Baltic Sea TURKEY MOROCCO TUNISIA UNITED KINGDOM IRELAND NORWAY SWEDEN ALGERIA FINLAND GERMANY POLAND BELGIUM NETHERLANDSDENMARK FRANCE SLOVAKIA SLOVENIAAUSTRIACZECH REPUBLIC LUXEMBOURG LIECHTENSTEIN SWITZERLAND PORTUGAL SPAIN ITALY ANDORRA ROMANIA MACEDONIA CROATIA MONTENEGRO SERBIA HUNGARY BOSNIA & HERZEGOVINA KOSOVO BELARUS UKRAINE MOLDOVA ESTONIALATVIA LITHUANIA GREECE BULGARIA ALBANIA MALTA RUSSIA RUSSIA CYPRUS ATLANTIC OCEAN MONACO SAN MARINO VATICANCITY 0° 10° 10° 40° 50° 60° 20° 30° 20° Urbanization AN INTRODUCTION TO URBAN GEOGRAPHY Third Edition This page intentionally left blank Urbanization AN INTRODUCTION TO URBAN GEOGRAPHY Third Edition Paul L. Knox University Distinguished Professor and Senior Fellow for International Advancement College of Architecture & Urban Studies, Virginia Tech Linda McCarthy Associate Professor, Department of Geography University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee Boston Columbus Indianapolis New York San Francisco Upper Saddle River Amsterdam Cape Town Dubai London Madrid Milan Munich Paris Montrẽal Toronto Delhi Mexico City São Paulo Sydney Hong Kong Seoul Singapore Taipei Tokyo Geography Editor: Christian Botting Marketing Manager: Maureen McLaughlin Project Editor: Anton Yakovlev Assistant Editor: Kristen Sanchez Editorial Assistant: Bethany Sexton Marketing Assistant: Nicola Houston Managing Editor, Production: Gina M. Cheselka Project Manager, Production: Edward Thomas Senior Technical Art Specialist: Connie Long Art Studio/Illustrations: Spatial Graphics/Kevin Lear Photo Manager, Research and Permissions: Maya Melenchuk Photo Researcher: Caroline Commins Text Permissions Project Manager: Beth Wollar Text Permissions: Warren Drabek Cover Design: Richard Whittaker, Seventeenth Street Studios Composition and Full Service: PreMediaGlobal/Jenna Gray Copyeditor: Gregory Teague Proofreader: Sara Gregg Manufacturing Buyer: Maura Zaldivar Front Cover Photo Credit: Photo of Shinjuku neighborhood, Tokyo. © 2011 PhotoLibrary.com Rear Cover Photo Credit: Dancing in Harajuku neighborhood, Tokyo. © Alamy. Credits and acknowledgments borrowed from other sources and reproduced, with permission, in this textbook appear on the appropriate page beginning on p. 441. Copyright © 2012, 2005, 1994 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Manufactured in the United States of America. This publication is protected by Copyright, and permission should be obtained from the publisher prior to any prohibited reproduction, storage in a retrieval system, or transmission in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or likewise. To obtain permission(s) to use material from this work, please submit a written request to Pearson Education, Inc., Permissions Department, 1900 E. Lake Ave., Glenview, IL 60025. For information regarding permissions, call (847) 486-2635. Many of the designations used by manufacturers and sellers to distinguish their products are claimed as trademarks. Where those designations appear in this book, and the publisher was aware of a trademark claim, the designations have been printed in initial caps or all caps. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Knox, Paul L. Urbanization : an introduction to urban geography / Paul L. Knox, Linda McCarthy. —3rd ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-321-73643-7 1. Urban geography. 2. Urbanization. I. McCarthy, Linda (Linda Mary) II. Title. GF125.K56 2012 307.76—dc22 2011030227 12345678910— EB—15 14 13 12 11 ISBN 10: 0-321-73643-5 www.pearsonhighered.com ISBN 13: 978-0-321-73643-7 CONTENTS Preface xi About the Authors xiii Part 1 Introduction 1 Chapter 1 URBANIZATION AND URBAN GEOGRAPHY 3 Learning Outcomes 3 Chapter Preview 3 The Study of Urban Geography 4 ◼ Urban View 1.1: The Art of Taking Back a Neighborhood: The Heidelberg Project 4 Space, Territoriality, Distance, and Place 5 Approaches to Urban Geography 6 ◼ Urban View 1.2: Census Definitions 8 Urbanization: Processes and Outcomes 9 Economic Change 9 Demographic Change 11 ◼ Urban View 1.3: Globalization and Cities 12 Political Change 12 Cultural Change 13 Technological Change 13 Environmental Change 14 Social Change 14 The Plan of the Book 14 FOLLOW UP: Key Terms 15 • Review Activities 15 Part 2 Foundations and History of Urbanization 17 Chapter 2 THE ORIGINS AND GROWTH OF CITIES AND URBAN LIFE 19 Learning Outcomes 19 Chapter Preview 19 The Definition of a City 20 ◼ Urban View 2.1: Bernal Diaz Del Castillo’s Description of Tenochtitlán in 1519 20 Preconditions for Urbanization 22 Theories of Urban Origins 22 Agricultural Surplus 22 Hydrological Factors 22 Population Pressures 22 Trading Requirements 22 Defense Needs 23 Religious Causes 23 A More Comprehensive Explanation 23 Urban Origins 23 Mesopotamia 23 Egypt 24 The Indus Valley 24 Northern China 24 The Andes and Mesoamerica 24 Internal Structure of the Earliest Cities 25 ◼ Urban View 2.2: Internal Structure of the Earliest Cities 25 Urban Expansion from the Regions of Urban Origin 27 ◼ Urban View 2.3: The Silk Road: Long-Distance Trade and Urban Expansion 28 The Roots of European Urban Expansion 29 Greek Cities 29 Roman Cities 30 Dark Ages 31 Urban Revival in Europe during the Medieval Period 33 ◼ Urban View 2.4: Hanseatic League Cities 38 Urban Expansion and Consolidation during the Renaissance and Baroque Periods 39 Urbanization and the Industrial Revolution 40 ◼ Urban View 2.5: Manchester: Shock City of European Industrialization 41 ◼ Urban View 2.6: Residential Segregation in Mid-Nineteenth Century Glasgow, Scotland 44 F OLLOW UP: Key Terms 44 • Review Activities 44 Chapter 3 FOUNDATIONS: THE U.S. URBAN SYSTEM AND ITS CITIES 47 Learning Outcomes 47 Chapter Preview 47 ◼ Urban View 3.1: Frontier Urbanization and Some Problems of Daily Life 48 Frontier Urbanization 48 The Mercantile Period (1790–1840) 50 ◼ Urban View 3.2: Vance’s Mercantile Model 51 Inside the Mercantile City 51 THE PEDESTRIAN CITY 53 M ODELS OF THE M ERCANTILE CITY 53 Early Industrial Expansion and Regional Realignment (1840–1875) 53 Some Principles of Urban Growth 55 Interpreting and Analyzing the Urban Hierarchy and the Central Place System 55 THE RANK -SIZE RULE 55 C ENTRAL PLACE THEORY 57 B EYOND CONSUMER HINTERLANDS 58 v vi Contents Suburban Production and Consumption Spaces 95 Central City Land Use 95 Demographic and Social Change in Cities 96 ◼ Urban View 4.2: The Canadian Urban System 97 T HE BABY BOOMERS AND URBAN CULTURE 98 A GING POPULATIONS 98 T HE BURDEN OF YOUTH 98 T HE NEW IMMIGRANTS 98 ◼ Urban View 4.3: Boomerang Generation: Y Us? 99 Economic crisis, Restructuring, and New Metropolitan Form (1973–Present) 99 Economic Crisis and Urban Distress (1973–1983) 99 ◼ Urban View 4.4: Contemporary European Urbanization 100 Economic Restructuring and New Metropolitan Form (1983–Present) 102 ◼ Urban View 4.5: Australian Cities 103 World Cities 104 Globalization and Urban Change 106 ◼ Urban View 4.6: Japanese Cities: Tokyo and the Tokaido Megapolitan Region 107 The Polycentric Metropolis 107 The End of “Suburbia” 110 ◼ Urban View 4.7: From Boomburbs to Bustburbs? 111 F OLLOW UP: Key Terms 112 • Review Activities 113 Part 3 Urbanization and the Less Developed Countries 115 Chapter 5 URBANIZATION IN THE LESS DEVELOPED COUNTRIES 117 Learning Outcomes 117 Chapter Preview 117 ◼ Urban View 5.1: The Dream of a Better Life as a Garment Girl in Dhaka 118 Urbanization Trends and Projections: The Less Developed Countries in Global Context 118 Factors Promoting Urban Growth 122 ◼ Urban View 5.2: Fleeing the Countryside for Life in the City in Africa 123 Theories of Urbanization and Economic Development 123 Modernization Theories: The Developmental Approach 123 Urban Bias and Underdevelopment 125 ◼ Urban View 5.3: A Model of Peripheral Urbanization 127 New Models from the Less Developed Countries: Opportunities for Development 127 A Historical Perspective on Colonial Urbanization 127 Inside the Early Industrial City 58 Urbanization and the Public Interest 58 ◼ Urban View 3.3: Immigrant Housing Conditions 59 Instruments of Change: Horsecars and Railroads 60 HORSECARS 60 R AILROADS 61 The Organization of Industry (1875–1920) 62 The Industrial City 62 ECONOMIC SPECIALIZATION AND THE REORGANIZATION OF URBAN SPACE 63 F RAMING THE CITY : N ETWORKED INFRASTRUCTURES 65 T HE EMERGENCE OF LAND USE ZONING LAWS 66 T HE SUBURBAN EXPLOSION : STREETCAR SUBURBS 67 R APID TRANSIT 68 M ASS TRANSPORT AND REAL ESTATE DEVELOPMENT 69 Inside the Industrial City 69 CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICTS 70 D EPARTMENT STORES AND SHOPPING DISTRICTS 70 D OWNTOWN OFFICE DISTRICTS 70 W AREHOUSE ZONES 71 C ITY HALLS AND CIVIC PRIDE 71 T HE SPATIAL ORGANIZATION OF CBD S 71 L AND VALUES AND URBAN LAND USE 72 S ECTORS AND ZONES 73 F ILTERING AND VACANCY CHAINS 74 Fordism, the Automobile, Suburban Infill, and the Great Depression (1920–1945) 74 A Critical Turn for Urbanization: The Depression and Macroeconomic Management 75 The Rise of Suburbia 76 Fordism 76 Paving the Way for Suburbanization 77 PARKWAYS 77 T HE DECLINE OF M ASS TRANSIT 78 Patterns of Suburban Growth 78 AUTOMOBILE SUBURBS 78 P LANNED SUBURBS 79 S UBURBANIZATION AND FEDERAL POLICY 82 S UBURBANIZATION OF COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 83 N EW PATTERNS OF LAND USE 83 F OLLOW UP: Key Terms 84 • Review Activities 84 Chapter 4 URBAN SYSTEMS AND CITIES IN TRANSITION 87 Learning Outcomes 87 Chapter Preview 87 ◼ Urban View 4.1: Fast Food and Religion in the Exhaust of a Drive-in Culture 88 Regional Decentralization and Metropolitan Sprawl (1945–1973) 88 Metropolitan Sprawl 90 The Fordist Suburb 91 Contents vii Urban Problems 169 Poverty 169 ◼ Urban View 7.2: Defying Gender Stereotypes: Las Cholitas in Bolivia 172 Inadequate Housing 172 Lack of Urban Services 174 ◼ Urban View 7.3: A Terrible Human Toll: HIV/AIDS in Sub- Saharan African Cities 176 Transportation Problems 177 ◼ Urban View 7.4: How Rationing Can Backfire: The “Day Without a Car” Regulation in Mexico City 178 Environmental Degradation 179 Responses to the Problems of Urbanization 180 Sustainable Urban Development 180 The “Globalization Paradox” and Recent Changes in Urban Governance 181 ◼ Urban View 7.5: Urban Social Movements and the Role of Women: Mahila Milan in Mumbai, India 183 F OLLOW UP: Key Terms 184 • Review Activities 184 Part 4 Processes of Urban Change 187 Chapter 8 THE URBAN DEVELOPMENT PROCESS 189 Learning Outcomes 189 Chapter Preview 189 ◼ Urban View 8.1: Two Sides of the Housing Crisis: Skateboarding and Foreclosure 190 Property, Location, Rent, and Investment 190 ◼ Urban View 8.2: Global Financial Meltdown, Local Disinvestment 192 Patterns of Investment in Land and Property 194 Property as a Financial Asset 194 The Structures of Building Provision 194 City Makers 194 LANDOWNERS 195 S PECULATORS 196 D EVELOPERS 196 B UILDERS 198 C ONSUMERS 199 R EALTORS , FINANCIERS , O THER PROFESSIONAL F ACILITATORS 199 G OVERNMENT AGENCIES 199 Market Responses of the Development Industry 200 ◼ Urban View 8.3: Urban Development is Less and Less a Local Activity 200 N EW PRODUCTS 201 F OLLOW UP: Key Terms 204 • Review Activities 204 Indigenous Urbanization at the Eve of the European Encounters 127 Colonial Urbanization 129 Mercantile Colonialism 132 Industrial Colonialism 132 Late Colonialism 133 Early Independence 133 Neocolonialism and the New International Division of Labor 134 Globalization and Neoliberalism 135 Overurbanization 135 Overurbanization and Megacities 135 Widespread Overurbanization 135 ◼ Urban View 5.4: The Harsh Realities of Life in a Megacity 136 F OLLOW UP: Key Terms 137 • Review Activities 137 Chapter 6 URBAN FORM AND LAND USE IN THE LESS DEVELOPED COUNTRIES 139 Learning Outcomes 139 Chapter Preview 139 ◼ Urban View 6.1: Life in a Haiti Tent City 141 Patterns of Urban form and Land Use 141 Latin American Cities 141 African Cities 145 Islamic Cities 148 ◼ Urban View 6.2: Fighting Racial Discrimination in South African Cities with Soccer? 149 ◼ Urban View 6.3: Towering Ambition in Persian Gulf Cities and the Global Economic Downturn 153 South Asian Cities 154 ◼ Urban View 6.4: A Day in the Life of a Call Center Worker in India 156 Southeast Asian Cities 157 ◼ Urban View 6.5: Shanghai, a World City and ”Dragon Head” of China’s Economy 159 East Asian Cities 159 ◼ Urban View 6.6: Foreign Direct Investment and Regional Development in the Pearl River Delta, the World’s Largest Extended Metropolitan Region 163 F OLLOW UP: Key Terms 165 • Review Activities 165 Chapter 7 URBAN PROBLEMS AND RESPONSES IN THE LESS DEVELOPED COUNTRIES 167 Learning Outcomes 167 Chapter Preview 167 ◼ Urban View 7.1: Narrowing the Digital Divide in Africa: Skipping Landlines for Cell Phones 168 viii Contents Municipal Socialism and the Rise of Machine Politics (1840–1875) 236 Boosterism and the Politics of Reform (1875–1920) 237 THE PROGRESSIVE ERA 237 A NNEXATION 238 Egalitarian Liberalism and Metropolitan Fragmentation (1920–1945) 239 THE NEW DEAL 241 Cities as Growth Machines and Service Providers (1945–1973) 241 BLACK POWER AND BLACK POLITICS 243 ◼ Urban View 10.2: Milwaukee Demolishes the “Freeway to Nowhere” 243 T HE STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE AND SPATIAL EQUITY 244 Entrepreneurial Politics and Neoliberalism (1973–Present) 245 ◼ Urban View 10.3: Tax Increment Financing (TIF) 246 Fiscal Crisis 247 ◼ Urban View 10.4: The Fiscal Squeeze and U.S. Central Cities 248 Fiscal Retrenchment and Neoliberalism 249 The Privatized City 250 PRIVATOPIA 251 NIMBYism, Smart Growth, and the Geopolitics of Suburbia 251 ZONING STRUGGLES 252 “S MART ” G ROWTH 252 Civic Entrepreneurialism and the Politics of Image 253 STRATEGIES FOR URBAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 254 T HE POLITICS OF PACKAGING 256 Perspectives on Governance, Politics, and Urban Change 257 The Structure of Local Power 257 The Role of the Local State 259 Patterns of Local Conflict 259 FOLLOW UP: Key Terms 260 • Review Activities 260 Chapter 11 URBAN POLICY AND PLANNING 263 Learning Outcomes 263 Chapter Preview 263 The Roots of Urban Policy and Planning 264 ◼ Urban View 11.1: Competition at all Costs: Civic Entrepreneurialism Taken Too Far? 264 Themes and Perspectives 265 The Beginning: Philanthropy and Reform 265 Early European Traditions 266 EBENEZER HOWARD AND GARDEN CITIES 266 P ATRICK GEDDES AND SCIENTIFIC PLANNING 267 Chapter 9 HOW NEIGHBORHOODS CHANGE 207 Learning Outcomes 207 Chapter Preview 207 ◼ Urban View 9.1: Staying Put Despite the Spiral of Neighborhood Decline: A Mad Hatter? 208 Neighborhood Change 209 Redevelopment and Reinvestment 209 ◼ Urban View 9.2: The Household Life Cycle 210 Neighborhood Life Cycles 211 Housing Markets 211 Urbanization and the Tenure Transformation 212 ◼ Urban View 9.3: Cabrini-Green: A Cherished Home in a Place That was a Symbol of Everything Wrong with Public Housing 214 Public Housing 214 ◼ Urban View 9.4: Public and Private Housing in European Cities 217 Residential Mobility and Neighborhood Change 218 Movers, Stayers, and Neighborhood Change 218 The Impact of New Arrivals to the City 219 Intraurban Moves 219 ◼ Urban View 9.5: Neighborhood Stability in West European Cities 219 Reasons for Moving 220 Understanding Household Behavior: The Decision to Move 221 Understanding Household Behavior: The Search for Alternative Places to Live 222 Housing Market Gatekeepers, Bias, and Discrimination 223 Real Estate Agents as Social Gatekeepers 223 Mortgage Finance Managers as Social Gatekeepers 225 Insurance Agents as Social Gatekeepers 226 ◼ Urban View 9.6: Hoxton’s Serial Transformations 227 Putting it all Together: The Example of Gentrification 228 FOLLOW UP: Key Terms 231 • Review Activities 231 Chapter 10 THE POLITICS OF CHANGE: URBANIZATION AND URBAN GOVERNANCE 233 Learning Outcomes 233 Chapter Preview 233 ◼ Urban View 10.1: The Disneyfication of Times Square 234 The History of Urban Governance 235 Laissez-faire and Economic Liberalism (1790–1840) 235 Contents ix The Foundations of Residential Segregation 295 Social Status 295 Household Type 297 ◼ Urban View 12.2: The Social Construction of Race 297 Ethnicity 298 Lifestyle 301 ◼ Urban View 12.3: Social Exclusion and Migrant Workers in European Cities 303 Interpretations of Residential Ecology 304 The Chicago School: Human Ecology 304 CRITICISMS OF HUMAN ECOLOGY 306 F ACTORIAL ECOLOGY 306 ◼ Urban View 12.4: Residential and Economic Structure in European Cities 307 Recent Changes to the Foundations of Residential Segregation 307 New Divisions of Labor, New Household Types, and New Lifestyles 309 NEW ROLES FOR W OMEN 310 ◼ Urban View 12.5: The Ethnoburb—A New Suburban Ethnic Settlement 311 N EW PATTERNS OF HOUSEHOLD FORMATION 312 I NCREASED M ATERIALISM AND NEW LIFESTYLES 313 ◼ Urban View 12.6: “Inconspicuous Consumption?” 315 Social Polarization and Spatial Segregation 316 The New Residential Mosaic: “Lifestyle” Communities 318 ◼ Urban View 12.7: GIS Marketing Applications Help Starbucks to Brew up Better Locational Analyses 319 F OLLOW UP: Key Terms 321 • Review Activities 321 Chapter 13 THE CITY AS TEXT: ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN 323 Learning Outcomes 323 Chapter Preview 323 ◼ Urban View 13.1: Disney’s Celebration: Designing the Happiest Place on Earth? 324 Architecture and the Dynamics of Urban Change 325 Architecture and Exchange Value 325 Architecture and the Circulation of Capital 325 Architecture and Legitimation 326 MEANING AND SYMBOLISM 326 Architecture versus “Mere Building” 326 The Style of Production/The Production of Style 326 Arcadian Classicism and the “Middle Landscape” 327 PUBLIC PARKS 328 Beaux Arts and the City Beautiful 328 United States: Jacob Riis and the Tenement Commissions 269 Progressive Era Reforms 269 SETTLEMENT HOUSES 270 T HE PARK M OVEMENT 271 T HE CITY BEAUTIFUL MOVEMENT 272 The City Practical 273 The New Deal 273 Policy and Planning for Renewal and Growth (1945–1973) 274 Europe: Planning For Renewal 274 ◼ Urban View 11.2: The Visible Legacy of Urban Policy and Planning in European Cities 276 The United States: Planning for Growth 277 The Courts and Urban Policy in the United States 277 SCHOOL DESEGREGATION 277 R ESTRICTIVE COVENANTS 277 C IVIL RIGHTS 278 Federal Policy Initiatives 278 Evangelical Bureaucrats 279 Neoliberal Policy and Planning 280 THE PROPERTY RIGHTS M OVEMENT 280 Planning as Dealmaking 280 ◼ Urban View 11.3: Kelo v. City of New London Eminent Domain Lawsuit 281 ◼ Urban View 11.4: Urban Regeneration in London’s Docklands 281 M IXED -USE DEVELOPMENTS AND CLUSTER ZONING 283 ◼ Urban View 11.5: Competitive Regionalism 283 Planning for Healthy and Livable Cities 284 Sustainability and Green Urbanism 284 ◼ Urban View 11.6: Cities Take Environmental Sustainability Efforts into Their Own Hands 285 ◼ Urban View 11.7: Sustainable Metropolitan Planning Efforts in the United States 286 Metropolitan Governance and Planning 286 FOLLOW UP: Key Terms 288 • Review Activities 288 Part 5 People and Places 289 Chapter 12 THE RESIDENTIAL KALEIDOSCOPE 291 Learning Outcomes 291 Chapter Preview 291 ◼ Urban View 12.1: The French Ghetto Beat of a Muslim Rapper 293 Social Interaction and Residential Segregation 293 Territoriality 294 x Contents Discrimination by Design: Domestic Architecture and Gender Differences 369 FOLLOW UP: Key Terms 369 • Review Activities 369 Chapter 15 PROBLEMS OF URBANIZATION 371 Learning Outcomes 371 Chapter Preview 371 ◼ Urban View 15.1: Homeless Students Struggle to Keep Up 372 Problem? What Problem? 372 From Haunts of Vice to Gang Wastelands—and Back 373 Problems of the Early Industrial City 373 Problems of the Industrial City 374 Problems of the Post-War City (1945–73) 376 Problems of the Neoliberal City 376 Poverty 377 The Cycle of Poverty 378 ◼ Urban View 15.2: Poverty, Stress, and Civil Disorder in U.S. Cities 380 P OVERTY IN U.S. M ETROPOLITAN AREAS 381 D UAL CITIES ? 382 Criminal Violence 385 ◼ Urban View 15.3: High School Student Drug Abuse 387 Spatial Patterns 387 ◼ Urban View 15.4: Russian Mafia Crime and Corruption—Not Just in Russian Cities Anymore 389 The Effects of Crime on Urbanization and Urban Life 389 ◼ Urban View 15.5: Terrorism and Cities 391 Homelessness 392 The Causes of Homelessness 394 Infrastructure and Environmental Problems 397 Water Supply Problems 398 ◼ Urban View 15.6: Brownfield Redevelopment 400 Air Pollution 400 ◼ Urban View 15.7: High-Speed Rail in Europe 402 Infrastructure Crisis 402 ◼ Urban View 15.8: London’s Traffic Congestion Charge 406 Persistent Future Problems 407 FOLLOW UP: Key Terms 409 • Review Activities 409 Notes 411 Glossary 427 Credits 441 Index 446 The American Way: Skyscrapers 329 Modernism: Architecture as Social Redemption 330 ARTS AND CRAFTS AND ART NOUVEAU 331 T HE EARLY M ODERNISTS 331 T HE BAUHAUS AND THE M ODERN M OVEMENT 332 L E CORBUSIER 333 A N AMERICAN RESPONSE 335 T HE CRITIQUE OF M ODERNISM 336 The Postmodern Interlude 338 NEW URBANISM 339 H ISTORIC PRESERVATION 340 Design for Dystopia 341 FORTRESS L.A. 341 “Starchitects,” “Starchitecture,” and World Cities 342 FOLLOW UP: Key Terms 345 • Review Activities 345 Chapter 14 URBANIZATION, URBAN LIFE, AND URBAN SPACES 347 Learning Outcomes 347 Chapter Preview 347 ◼ Urban View 14.1: The Writing on the Wall for Territoriality? Taggers Respect Community Mural Painted in “Neutral” Colors 348 Social Life in Cities 348 Theoretical Interpretations of Urban Life 349 The “Moral Order” of City Life 349 ◼ Urban View 14.2: “Sex and the City”: Prostitution 350 A NOMIE AND DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 351 L IBERATING ASPECTS OF URBAN LIFE 352 Urbanism as a Way of Life 352 The Public and Private Worlds of City Life 353 Changing Metropolitan Form and New Forms of Urbanism 354 URBAN VILLAGES 354 ◼ Urban View 14.3: Homosexuality and the City 355 S UBURBAN COMMUNALITY , “H ABITUS ,” AND CONTEMPORARY L IFESTYLES 357 Community and Territory 358 COGNITION , P ERCEPTION , AND M ENTAL M APS OF THE CITY 358 A PPRAISIVE IMAGES 360 Lifeworlds and the “Structuration” of Social Life 361 ◼ Urban View 14.4: Disability and the City 362 Time-Space Routines 363 ◼ Urban View 14.5: Structuration: Time and Space in People’s Everyday Life 364 Gendered Spaces 365 The Creation of Women’s Spaces 365 Changing Roles, Changing Spaces 367 interplay of science and technology with economic and social change, reveal important dimensions of race and gender, raise important issues of social inequality, and point to important lessons for governance and policy. Most of all, of course, it can help us to understand, analyze, and interpret the landscapes, economies, and communities of cities and metropolitan areas around the world. NEW TO THE THIRD EDITION The third edition of Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography represents a thorough revision based on a number of substantive changes. • This edition has been shortened considerably, from 18 to 15 chapters. The organization of the book has been fundamentally reworked to improve the structure and flow of the material. The 15 chapters in this new edition are arranged into different sections where they fit seamlessly together: Section I, Introduction; Section II, Foundations and History of Urbanization; Section III, Urbanization in the Less Developed Countries; Section  IV, Processes of Urban Change; and Section V, People and Places. • The content of some chapters has been substantially reorganized. Chapters 3 and 5 from the previous edition (The Foundations of the American Urban System; The Foundations of Urban Form and Land Use) are now combined into one chapter on the processes and out- comes in the evolution of the U.S. urban system up to 1945. Chapters 4 and 6 from the previous edition (Urban Systems in Transition; Changing Metropolitan Form) are also now combined to cover the urban processes and out- comes since 1945 in the United States, Canada, Europe, Australia, and Japan. Chapter 18, “Urban Futures,” from the previous edition has been removed and instead partly incorporated into other chapters. • There is new material, with more non-U.S. examples, about important urban issues such as the global financial meltdown and its impact on urban residents, including discussion of foreclosures and homeless students, as well as the aftermath for the people in cities hit by the massive earthquakes in Haiti and Japan. • There are many new “Urban View” essays that capture not only the vitality, experiences, and achievements of ordinary people in cities, but also address the problems that they struggle to overcome every day. This edition includes 29 new essays. • New or expanded chapter topics include globalization, neoliberalism, overurbanization and megacities, “starchi- tecture” and world cities, the U.S. Hope VI and the Choice Neighborhood programs, gentrification, gender discrimi-nation, environmental problems including brownfields and greyfields, sustainable urban development, smart growth, and green urbanism. Towns and cities are in constant flux. They are hives of human activity and crucibles of social, cultural, and political change, where there is always something happening. At times, people and circumstances accelerate the restlessness of urban change, with the result that the function, form, and appearance of cities are transformed. Such was the case over a hundred years ago, when a combination of economic, social, and technological changes were turning cities in Europe and the United States inside out and upside down, forging, in the process, the physi- cal, economic, and political framework for the evolution of the “modern” city. We are currently living through another phase of trans- formation, this time involving global processes of economic, cultural, and political change. Within the cities of countries like the United States, the classic mosaic of central city neighbor- hoods has become blurred as cleavages among people based on income, race, and family status have been fragmented by new lifestyle and cultural preferences. The long-standing distinction between central cities and suburbs has become less and less straightforward as economic reorganization has brought about a selective recentralization of some commercial and residential land uses in tandem with a selective decentralization of much commerce and industry. Outlying centers big enough to be called “edge cities” and “boomburbs” have appeared, as if from nowhere. Meanwhile, cities in less developed countries have grown at unprecedented rates, with distinctive processes of urbanization creating new patterns of land use and posing new sets of prob- lems for urban residents. A pressing problem today for the people in many less developed countries is a process of over-urbanization in which cities are growing more rapidly than the jobs and housing that they can sustain. There has been a “quartering” of cities into spatially partitioned, compartmen- talized residential enclaves. Luxury homes and apartment complexes correspond with an often dynamic formal sector of the economy that offers well-paid jobs and opportunities for some people; these contrast sharply with the slums and squatter settlements of people working in the informal sector—in jobs not regulated by the state—who are disadvantaged by a lack of formal education and training and the often rigid divisions of labor shaped by gender, race, and ethnicity. URBAN GEOGRAPHY Urban geography allows us to address these trends, to relate them to our own individual lives and concerns, and to spec- ulate on how they play a role in other fields of study such as economics, history, sociology, and planning. The study of urban geography can help us better understand the market- place and appreciate the interdependencies involved in local, national, and international economic development. It can provide us with an appreciation of history and the relation- ships among art, economics, and society. It can illuminate the PREFACE xi xii Preface In this way, we can appreciate the logic of particular theories and their relevance to particular circumstances. In writing this book, we have aimed at providing a coherent and comprehen- sive introduction to urban geography that offers a historical and process-oriented approach with a U.S. focus that also provides a global context and comparative international perspectives. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We are grateful to many individuals for their help in form- ing and testing our ideas. Our gratitude is wide and deep, and we take this opportunity to acknowledge the contributions of Brian Berry, University of Texas at Dallas; Martin Cadwallader, University of Wisconsin, Madison; Bill Clark, University of California, Los Angeles; Ron Johnston, University of Bristol; Peter Taylor, Loughborough University; Anne Bonds and Judith Kenny at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, and at the University of Minnesota, Helga Leitner, and Roger Miller who is missed terribly. We would like to acknowledge the content and accuracy reviewers and the contributors of content to this edition: Kevin Archer, University of South Florida; Piper Gaubatz, University of Massachusetts; Dennis Grammenos, Northeastern Illinois University; Donald Lyons, University of North Texas; Nina Martin, University of North Carolina; Sara Metcalf, State University of New York: Buffalo; Lawrence F. Mitchell, Northern Kentucky University; Murray Rice, University of North Texas; Derek Shanahan, Millersville University. We have also been fortunate in being able to call on the talents and energies of Jonathan Burkham in searching for material, and Jenna Gray at PreMediaGlobal and Ed Thomas at Pearson in preparing the book for publication. Caroline Commins has meticulously researched the photographs for the book. Anton Yakovlev at Pearson provided a constant source of advice, enthusiasm, encouragement, and support. Paul L. Knox Linda McCarthy • Also new to this edition are Learning Outcomes at the beginning of each chapter, which list key knowledge that students should have acquired after reading the chapter. • The content of end-of-chapter Follow Up Activities (with new subsections titled “Key Terms” and “Review Activities”) has been completely revised for each chapter to reflect the updated material in the book. • The third edition of the book also incorporates a comprehensive updating of all the data, as well as many of the maps, photographs, and illustrations, in addition to the glossary. • A second color has been added throughout the text, enhancing the readability and the pedagogical value of the maps and other art. • Finally, the new premium website for Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography , found at www.mygeoscienceplace.com, now includes self-study quizzes, MapMaster layered thematic and place name interactive maps, Urban View Google Earth ™ tours, key resources and suggested further readings, related helpful websites, “In the News” RSS feeds, and addi-tional references and resources. OBJECTIVES AND APPROACH In this book we attempt to capture the changes in the nature and outcomes of urbanization processes for people, as well as the development of new ways of thinking about urban geogra- phy. A dynamic approach to the study of urban geography is the most distinctive feature of the book: unraveling the inter- locking processes of urbanization to present a vivid and mean- ingful explanation of constantly changing urban geographies and urban life. An important advantage of such an approach is that it provides a framework capable of capturing recent changes while addressing much of the “traditional” subject matter of urban geography. The dynamic approach also allows for the integration of theory with fact. In this book, key concepts and theories are presented in relation to prior events and ideas. Linda McCarthy received her PhD in Geography from the University of Minnesota, USA, and her BA from University College, Dublin. She is an Associate Professor in the Depart ment of Geography and the Urban Studies Program at the University of Wisconsin- Milwaukee. She is also a certified planner. Her teaching centers on cities and globalization. Her research focuses on urban and regional economic development and planning in the United States, Europe, and China. Her recent academic journal articles have been on regional cooperation instead of wasteful competition for corporate investment; government subsidies for automobile plants; environmental justice and brownfield redevelopment; and the globalization of the economy. Linda is the co-author of another book, The Geography of the World Economy (Hodder), with Paul Knox and John Agnew. Paul Knox received his PhD in Geography from the University of Sheffield, England. After teaching in the United Kingdom for several years, he moved to the United States to take a position as professor of urban affairs and planning at Virginia Tech. His teaching centers on urban and regional development, with an emphasis on comparative study. He serves on the editorial board of several scientific journals and is the author or co- author of numerous books, including Small Town Sustainability (Birkhauser), Metroburbia USA (Rutgers University Press), Cities and Design (Routledge), and The Geography of the World Economy (Hodder) as well as Pearson’s Human Geography and World Regions in Global Context: Places and Regions in Global Context . In 2008 he received the Distinguished Scholarship Award from the Association of American Geographers. He is currently a University Distinguished Professor at Virginia Tech, where he also serves as Senior Fellow for International Advancement. ABOUT THE AUTHORS xiii This page intentionally left blank 1 Introduction 1 PART T his book introduces urban geography by focusing on the processes and outcomes of urbanization that are so important for the people who live in cities. Cities are products of many forces. They are engines of economic development and centers of cultural innovation, social transformation, and politi- cal change. At the same time, urban areas vary in everything from employment opportunities for job seekers to patterns of land use in neighborhoods, racial composition in metropolitan regions, and social behavior in urban society. Given the considerable range of issues that urban geography encompasses, we need to try to develop a consistency in our approach. Understanding theories about cities and the way they change—rather than simply listing their various attributes—will help to ensure that we maintain a consistency and will give us greater insight into the way cities work. Although we will sometimes need to look closely at specific people and events, our goal is to focus on understanding how to read the economic, social, and political “blueprints” that give shape and character to various kinds of cities and urban life. By “generalizing” in this way, we will have a more immediate and richer understanding of each new aspect of urbanization that we encounter. Urbanization and Urban Geography 1 Chapter LEARNING OUTCOMES After reading this chapter, you should be able to: ■ Assess how and why the concepts of space, territoriality, distance, and place influence everyone in cities. ■ Describe why several approaches to urban geography have arisen, and how it is possible to gain urban insights from each. ■ Explain how urban geographies result from long-term changes involving the interrelated dynamics of economic, demographic, political, cultural, technological, environmental, and social change. ■ Compare and contrast the broad phases in the nature of capitalism and their importance for cities in the United States since the 1700s. ■ Understand the ways in which the rapidly increasing interdependence of the world-system has impacted cities and the people living in them. Cities are hives of human activity and crucibles of social, cultural, and political change, where there is always something happening. Urban geography can help us to understand, analyze, and interpret urban landscapes such as in this photo- graph of Woodruff Park and the people enjoying a wonderful view of the downtown skyline of Atlanta, Georgia. CHAPTER PREVIEW The fundamental task of the student of urban geography is to make sense of the ways that towns and cities have changed and are changing, with particular reference to the differences both between urban places and within them. As a student, you will understandably find yourself asking some fundamental questions. What exactly is urban geography, and how does it relate to other aspects of geography and to other social science subjects? What is involved in urbanization, and what outcomes of urbanization that affect people are important in studying urban geography? This first chapter answers those questions and introduces some of the organizing principles and concepts that recur throughout the book. First, we address the question of urban geography as a subject for academic study, emphasizing the impor- tance of concepts of space, territoriality, distance, and place that influence everyone in cities. We then review the various approaches that have been taken to the study of cities from a geographical perspective. We will see that 3 4 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography THE STUDY OF URBAN GEOGRAPHY Like other aspects of human geography, urban geography is concerned with “local variability within a general context.” 1 This means that it is concerned with understanding both the distinctiveness of individual places (at the scale of towns and cities or particular neighborhoods) and the regularities within and between urban areas in terms of the spatial rela- tionships between people and their environment (see Urban View 1.1 entitled “The Art of Taking Back a Neighborhood: The Heidelberg Project”). We should immediately note that environment here includes not only the natural physical environment but also the built environment (everything from homes, factories, offices, and schools to roads and bridges), the economic environment (economic institutions, the structure they are all encompassed by the overall framework for study that is adopted in this book: a framework that allows us to deal with various aspects of urban geography in terms of their relationship to urbanization as a process. The second half of the chapter addresses this question of urbanization as a process. Here we see how urban geographies and urban change associated with every aspect of people’s lives are the result (and sometimes the cause) of long-term changes in economic development and in the interrelated dynamics of technological, demographic, political, social, cultural, and environmental change. Because these changes are being framed increasingly at the global scale, our framework for studying urban geography also views urbanization from a global perspective involving people and cities from all over the world. Finally, we look ahead to the contents and organization of the rest of the book. URBAN VIEW 1.1 The Art of Taking Back a Neighborhood: The Heidelberg Project 2 Multicolored polka dots decorating one house, a boat filled with stuffed toy animals nearby, and a vacant lot with rows of car hoods painted with faces (Figure 1.1). The Dotty Wotty House, Noah’s Ark, and Faces in the Hood are just some of the guerrilla art installations on Heidelberg Street in Detroit by Tyree Guyton, a trained artist, whose philosophy is: I believe that my job as an artist is to help people to see! I wanted to use my talents to bring about positive change in my community  .  .  .  I use art as a catalyst for social change. I chose to start right here in my own neighbor- hood and yet I realized that the first change had to start with me. Changing my mind and seeing with my eye of understanding helped to eradicate my fears and limita- tions. Social change must start with self and then you can change the entire world around you.And you cannot help notice the change immediately as you arrive at Heidelberg Street, having passed city block after city block with as many vacant lots as houses, uncut grass and invading weeds, and trash littering the crumbling sidewalks. For the urban geographer, this is an unforgettable example of “local variability within a general context.” The distinctiveness of the Heidelberg Project reflects the kind of local variability that is possible in a particular city despite the general context of urban decline due to regularly repeated stories of deindustrialization, suburbanization, and poverty in Rustbelt cities like Detroit. What started with decorating Tyree Guyton’s grandfather’s house with polka dots 25 years ago has become the nonprofit Heidelberg Project, which attracts 275,000 visitors of all ages each year. But it has not only changed former crack houses and abandoned homes into art that explodes with bright paint and discarded items, it has also helped keep the street free of trash and crime, create a strong sense of community, and provide educational opportunities for neighborhood children to experience the transformative potential of art. The Heidelberg Project’s social importance was recognized with a 2004 Places Award by the Environmental Design Research Association (EDRA): Clearly this work is not only about what you see. It’s about the dialogue it engenders . . . The Heidelberg Project offers an alternative vision to young children in one of America’s most blighted urban areas; it broadens community aware- ness of the power of art; and it brings a new sense of important social realities to the consciousness of visitors. FIGURE 1.1 An abandoned house is covered with discarded toy stuffed animals to become art as part of the Heidelberg Project in Detroit that has also helped to keep this street free of trash and crime, create a strong sense of community, and provide educational opportunities for neighborhood children to experience the transformative potential of art. Chapter 1 • Urbanization and Urban Geography 5 and organization of economic life, and so on), and the social environment (including norms of behavior, social attitudes, and cultural and political values that shape interpersonal relations among people). For urban geographers some of the most important ques- tions therefore include the following: What attributes make cities and neighborhoods distinctive? How did these distinctive identities evolve? Are there significant regularities in the spatial arrangement of towns and cities across a country or region of the world? Are there significant regularities in the spatial organiza- tion of land use within cities and in the spatial patterns of people in neighborhoods by social status, household type, or race? The urban geographer will also need to know about the causes of any regularities that do exist. How, for example, do people choose where to live and what are the constraints on their choices? How do people’s areas of residence affect their behavior? What groups, if any, can manipulate the spatial organization of towns and cities? And who profits from such manipulation? In posing these questions, urban geographers have learned that the answers are ultimately to be found in the wider context of economic, social, and political life. Cities must be viewed as part of the economies and societies that maintain them. The study of cities cannot be undertaken in isolation from the study of history, economic development, sociocultural change, or the increasing interdependence of places within the world economy. A proper understanding of cities requires an interdisciplinary approach. The traditional focus of geography—the interrelationships between people and their physical and social environments—requires geographers to draw on the work of researchers in those related disciplines. Accordingly, the chapters you are about to read will be peppered with references to the work of economists, sociologists, political scientists, historians, city planners, and even artists. Space, Territoriality, Distance, and Place Urban geography is a coherent and distinctive framework of study through the central themes of space, territoriality, distance, and place. For the geographer, space is not simply a medium in which economic, social, political, and histori- cal processes are expressed. It is also a factor that influences patterns of urban development and the nature of the relation- ships between different social groups within cities. From this perspective, cities are simultaneously the products and the shapers of economic, social, and political change. Partitioning space through the establishment of legal boundaries is also important because it affects the dynamics of cities in several ways. For example, the establishment of municipal boundaries restricts a city’s capacity to raise revenue to its own territory, while electoral boundaries affect where people vote and the outcome of local elections and politics. Territoriality is the tendency for particular groups within society—ethnic groups, gangs, gated communities—to attempt to establish some form of control, dominance, or exclusivity within a localized area. Group territoriality depends primar- ily on the logic of using space as a focus and symbol of group membership and identity as a means of regulating social inter- action. It is important for the geographer because it is often the basis for individual and group behavior that creates distinctive spatial settings within cities. Thes e spatial settings in turn mold the attitudes and behavior of the people living in cities. Distance is important for several reasons. It affects the behavior of both producers and consumers of all goods and services. It influences patterns of social interaction and the shape and extent of social networks. Variations in people’s physical accessibility to opportunities and to amenities such as jobs, schools, stores, parks, and hospitals are important in determining the local quality of life. Finally, place is important because of the geographer’s traditional and fundamental concern with areal differen- tiation and the distinctiveness of regions and localities. The distinctiveness of particular metropolitan regions, cities, districts, and neighborhoods is central to the analytical heart of urban geography: mapping variability, identifying regu- larities in spatial patterns, and establishing the linkages that constitute functional regions and subareas. In addition, the sense of place (Figure 1.2) that people associate with certain FIGURE 1.2 A wall mural. A distinctive mural in a Hispanic neighborhood in Milwaukee, WI, near Cesar Chavez Drive and across from the Sixteenth Street Community Health Center that provides health care, health education, and social services to low-income residents in the neighborhood. Community art such as this provides a remarkably clear expression of the sense of place and territoriality that are fundamental to the spatial organization of people in cities. 6 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography Finally, changes in cities themselves and in the nature of urbanization have also contributed to the evolution of approaches to urban geography. As we have become aware of changes in cities and have looked more closely at those changes, new topics for study have emerged. A good example is the increased interest that geographers have taken in com- munity well-being after the cuts to many public services in richer countries like the United States that have hit some poorer and older people very hard over the past couple of decades. An equally striking, more recent example is the interest by geographers in the link between local housing markets and international finance after the financial meltdown of 2008–09 and the personal misfortunes of families losing their homes due to foreclosure. The details of the evolution of urban geography as an academic subject are beyond the scope of this book. It is important, however, to establish a few central points about that evolution. Several decades ago, work in urban geography (or “settlement geography,” as it was more commonly known) saw towns and cities as adaptations to natural physical cir- cumstances. Attributes of urban settlements were interpreted as responses to local sites, regional resources, and the opportu- nities and constraints surrounding them. So, for example, the growth of Pittsburgh as a steel town can be interpreted spatially, from this perspective, in terms of the availability of local sources of coal, iron ore, limestone, and water, along with proximity to large markets for iron and steel products that benefited local busi nesspeople and workers. Another body of work within this spatial description approach that dominated the early development of the subject was focused on the “morphology” of towns and cities—their physical form, their plan, and their various townscapes and “functional areas” (that is, districts with a distinctive mixture of interrelated land uses). Keeping with the example of Pittsburgh, cities and localities is important, because it can influence their decisions: where to live, where to locate an office or a factory, whether to hire someone from a particular place, or whether to walk alone through a certain part of town, for example. Approaches to Urban Geography Urban geography has evolved to encompass a variety of approaches to its subject matter. This is the result of a more general intellectual evolution of ideas in the social sciences. For example, a widespread “quantitative revolution” has occurred both in urban geography and in the social sciences as a whole. Two developments spurred this revolution. Large quantities of reliable socioeconomic data about cities and city neighborhoods became available from sources such as the censuses of population and housing in many countries. At the same time, tools to analyze and shape this information were becoming widely available in the wake of new digital technolo- gies and geographic information systems (GIS). Modern analyti- cal and modeling techniques have made a decisive contribution to the social sciences. They have allowed the urban geographer to see farther, with more clarity, and have provided the means by which to judge theories about urbanization. Like other fields, urban geography has also been influenced by changing social values. As each society’s comprehension of urban problems has grown, attitudes toward research in urban geogra- phy have become more flexible. Much of the research undertaken today in urban geography has relevance far beyond the ivory towers of academia and involves a more active engagement with the needs and concerns of local communities, private companies, and government. Urban geographers are likely to be consulted on issues that range, for example, from optimal political redistricting (redrawing the boundaries of local voting districts) to the evalu- ation of government policies aimed at enhancing local economic development in distressed central city neighborhoods. FIGURE 1.3 An urban geographer looking at this neighborhood of young families with children would want to discover what it has in common with similar neighborhoods in other cities and what makes it distinctive from them. Chapter 1 • Urbanization and Urban Geography 7 people’s feelings about steelworkers’ neighborhoods affect their decisions about where to live in Pittsburgh? Like the behavioral approach, though, the humanistic approach has been criticized for not paying enough attention to the constraints on people’s decision making and behavior. As a result, another approach, generally referred to as the structuralist approach , gained momentum within urban geography. This approach is cast, in contrast to the behavioral and humanistic approaches, at the scale of macroeconomic, macrosocial, and macropolitical changes. It focuses on the implications of such changes for urbanization and on the opportunities and constraints they present for the behavior and decision making of different groups of people. At its broadest level, this approach draws on a combination of macroeconomic theory, social theory, and the theories and concepts of politi- cal science, and includes the political economy approach. For example, a political economy approach to Pittsburgh’s urban geography would certainly want to relate the patterns of growth and decline of both steel mills and their associated blue-collar neighborhoods to the broader structure of, among other things, access to capital by businesses for investment in industry, the availability of skilled labor, the framework of government policies affecting industrial and residential development, and deindustrialization associated with corporate restructuring within the global economy. The structuralist analyses of the structure of social inequality paved the way for explicitly incorporating the experience of women into urban geography. The feminist approach deals with the inequalities between men and women, and the way in which unequal gender relations are reflected in the spatial structure of cities. For Pittsburgh, the feminist approach might be interested in examining changing gender roles as the urban labor force has restructured following the closing of the steel mills, such as the trend for some women in two-earner house- holds to be overrepresented in certain fast-growing part-time occupations. The structure-agency approach was an attempt to unite the structuralist approach’s concern with macrolevel social, economic, and political structures with the humanistic approach’s emphasis on human agency. Structuration theory sees society’s social structures as created and recreated by the social practices of human agents, whose actions are themselves constrained by these social structures. As a result, it is impossible to predict the exact outcome of the interactions between social structure and human agency. Despite the elegance of this theo- rization, empirical investigation has proved difficult because it is not easy to analyze the continuous and complex interrelation- ships between structure and agency. A study of Pittsburgh might involve questions about how the gentrification of some central city neighborhoods is the result of an intricate set of interactions between human agents, including landowners, mortgage lend- ers, planners, and realtors; institutions such as the city govern- ment; and social structures involving planning regulations such as land use zoning and building codes. Finally, the influence of literary theory has led to the emergence of poststructuralist approaches , including the post- modern approach . The postmodern approach strongly opposes these studies would likely have emphasized the influence of the city’s hilly topography on the layout of its streets and neigh- borhoods, and perhaps shown how urban growth and land use were “fixed” by the limited amounts of flat land (along the Monongahela River) that the captains of industry at the time saw as suitable for large ironworks. Gradually, scientific principles influenced attitudes toward knowledge, and both settlement and morphology studies fell out of favor. In their place there emerged a spatial analysis approach based on the philosophy and methodology of positivism that had been developed in the natural sciences. This philosophy was founded on the principle of verification of facts and relation- ships through accepted scientific methods. The rise of positivism affected all of geography and most of the social sciences, and the “quantitative revolution” reinforced it. Its practitioners came to redefine urban geography as the science of urban spatial orga- nization and spatial relationships, and, as a science, it focused on the construction of testable models and hypotheses. One example of the many possible positivistic approaches to aspects of Pittsburgh’s urban geography would be an attempt to quantify the relationship between neighborhood social status and prox- imity to steel mills. The hypothesis might be that neighborhood social status tends to increase steadily with distance from a steel mill. If this were demonstrated with verifiable evidence, the next step might be to begin to develop a theory by replicating the study in other industrial cities. This more abstract approach has contributed a great deal to our understanding of cities, and it continues to be a mainstay of urban studies. But sometimes its abstractions and overdepen- dence on statistical data can seem flat and lifeless in the face of the urban realities of people’s lives to which they are applied. The abstractions tend to leave unanswered many of the impor- tant questions concerning underlying processes and meanings . So, although it might be useful to be able to use census tract data to establish and quantify a tendency for neighborhood social status to increase with distance from an industrial plant, we are left without any sense of how the relationship came about: Who made what decisions, and why, in the process of establishing the relationship? How might any exceptions to the overall relationship be explained? In response to such questions, a behavioral approach emerged. This approach focuses on the study of individual people’s activities and decision making in urban environments. Although the behavioral approach continued to use a positivist methodology, explanatory concepts and analytical techniques were also derived from social psychology and some key ideas came from social philosophy, with its insights into human needs and impulses. The behavioral approach’s relative neglect of the impor- tance of cultural context for understanding people’s actions and the meanings attached to those actions led to the emer- gence of the humanistic approach . The behavioral approach’s positivist methodology was replaced by methods, such as ethnography and participant observation, that attempted to answer questions that capture people’s subjective experiences. For Pittsburgh, what kind of meaning does the presence of a steel mill carry for different individuals within the city? How do 8 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography the city (that may not reflect reality) that, in turn, are designed to influence the views and decisions of potential investors and residents. For the most part, all these approaches can be regarded as potentially complementary. Although it is neither possible nor desirable to merge them into some kind of all-encompassing model or theory of urbanization, it is possible to gain insights from each. To that extent, all these approaches are represented in this book (with classic examples pointed out). This does not mean, however, that the reader will be faced with sudden or unexpected shifts. The material in this book is organized to emphasize urban geography as the outcome of urbanization as a process. the idea that any general theories can explain cities and the people who live in them. Instead, it accepts the shifting and unstable nature of the world and concentrates on questions of who defines meaning, how this meaning is defined, and to what end. It is concerned with understanding the power of symbol- ism, images, and representation as expressed in language, com- munication, and the urban landscape. Again, using the example of Pittsburgh, a postmodern approach would likely examine the city government’s attempts to “reinvent” the city within the global economy as it restructures away from steel and toward jobs in the high-tech and services industries. This approach would draw attention to the city government’s use of language and communication to deliberately construct certain images of URBAN VIEW 1.2 Census Definitions Just what is meant by an “urban” settlement varies a good deal from one country to another. For the Bureau of the Census in the United States, the term urban applies to the territory, people, and housing units located within urbanized areas and urban clusters. 3 • An urbanized area (UA) is a densely settled area (whether or not the territory is legally incorporated as a city) with at least 50,000 people and a density of at least 1,000 people per square mile at the urban core and at least 500 people per square mile in the surrounding territory. • An urban cluster (UC) consists of an urban core with a population density of at least 1,000 people per square mile and at least 500 people per square mile in the surrounding territory that together encompass a population of at least 2,500 people, but fewer than 50,000 people. Because such definitions of urbanized depend on administra- tive boundaries, they do not capture the concentrations of people that live in a number of contiguous jurisdictions that form one continuous metropolitan sprawl. The U.S. Bureau of the Census began to use standardized definitions of metropolitan areas in the 1950 census under the designation of standard metropoli- tan area (SMA). The term was changed to standard metropolitan statistical area (SMSA) by the 1960 census and to metropolitan statistical area (MSA) in 1983. Within urban areas, detailed census information is available by census tracts, block groups, and census blocks : • Census tracts. These geographical subareas have bound- aries that were drawn with the objective of delineating small populations that are relatively uniform in terms of their demographic and socioeconomic characteristics. They vary a good deal in territorial extent and population size, although tracts within metropolitan areas contain between 1,000 and 8,000 people. As metropolitan America has grown, so has the number of census tracts recognized by the Census Bureau. The boundaries of many longer- established census tracts have remained the same over several decades, making it possible to use census data to analyze neighborhood change in certain areas. Elsewhere, however, modifications to tract boundaries and the addition of new tracts make intercensal comparison difficult. • Block groups. Every census tract is divided into as many as 9 block groups, each of which contains an average of 10 census blocks. A block group consists of all blocks whose numbers begin with the same digit in a census tract. Block groups generally contain between 300 and 3,000 people. Block groups are important because they are the smallest geographical area for which detailed data are tabulated. • Census blocks. Census blocks generally correspond to the physical configuration of city blocks and are bounded by streets or other prominent physical features. They are the smallest statistical unit for which census data are available, although the range of data is not detailed, being limited to basic population and housing characteristics. In preparing the 1990 census, the U.S. Bureau of the Census developed an electronic database called the Topologically Integrated Geographic Encoding and Referencing (TIGER) system. TIGER files contain address ranges, latitude and lon- gitude coordinates, and the location of roads, railways, rivers, and other physical features. They can be linked with small- area census data to form the basis of sophisticated Geographic Information System (GIS) applications that offer a great deal of potential for research in urban geography. GIS—organized col- lections of computer hardware, software, and geographic data that are designed to capture, store, update, manipulate, and map geographically referenced information—has grown rapidly to become an important method of urban geographic analysis. GIS technology allows an enormous range of urban problems to be analyzed. For instance, it can be used to identify the most efficient evacuation routes for people from all or part of a city in the event of a terrorist attack, to monitor the spread of infec- tious diseases within and between cities, to analyze the impact of proposed changes in the boundaries of legislative districts, to identify potential customers in the vicinity of a new business, and to provide a basis for urban and regional planning. The changing realities of urbanization present a continual challenge to the census in delineating geographic units that reflect actual patterns of urban and metropolitan change. So census tabulations include data not only for MSAs but also metropolitan areas (MAs), for primary metropolitan statisti- cal areas (PMSAs), consolidated metropolitan statistical areas (CMSAs) and core based statistical areas (CBSAs), each designed to provide a standardized framework for comparisons and analy- sis at different spatial scales. Chapter 1 • Urbanization and Urban Geography 9 change is itself to some extent interdependent with some of the others. This complexity can be confusing! We will eliminate much potential confusion with concepts and examples intro- duced in this chapter. Bear in mind, though, that Figure 1.4 presents a very broad framework that covers the entire subject matter of urban geography. The farther you get into the book, therefore, the more meaningful Figure 1.4 will become. The economic, demographic, political, cultural, social, technologi- cal, and environmental processes and relationships implied in the diagram will be elaborated, and the urban outcomes that affect people will be detailed. It is recommended, therefore, that you refer to Figure 1.4 from time to time, putting each new set of material into overall perspective. Economic Change At the heart of the dynamics that drive and shape urbanization are economic changes. The sequence and rhythm of economic change will be a recurring theme as we trace and retrace the imprint of urbanization. It is the evolution of capitalism itself that has structured this imprint that affects everyone living in cities. Figure 1.5 summarizes the main features of this evolu- tion. In the United States, there have been several broad phases in the nature of capitalism, and we are now in the early stages of a significantly different phase, framed in the context of globalization. The earliest phase, lasting from the late eighteenth century until the end of the nineteenth, was a phase of competitive cap- italism , the heyday of free enterprise and laissez-faire economic development, with the political economy of the country char- acterized by classical liberalism: competition between small family businesses and with few constraints or controls imposed by governments or public authorities. In the earlier years of this phase, the dynamism of the entire system rested on the profitability of agriculture and, increasingly, manufacture and URBANIZATION: PROCESSES AND OUTCOMES Figure 1.4 provides a useful outline of urbanization as a process. It is clear from the diagram that urbanization involves much more than a mere increase in the number of people living and working in cities and metropolitan regions. It is driven by a series of interrelated processes of change—economic, demographic, political, cultural, technological, environmen- tal, and social. It is also modified by locally and historically contingent factors such as topography and natural resources or an “accident” of birth that resulted in Henry Ford being born in Dearborn, Michigan, that ultimately resulted in the Ford Motor Company being headquartered in Detroit and not somewhere else in the United States. It is true that the overall result of urbanization has been a tendency for more and more people to live and work in ever-larger cities and metropolitan regions (although, as we will see, this is not a necessary condi- tion of urbanization). At the same time, urbanization results in some important changes in the character and dynamics of the urban system (the complete set of urban areas region- ally, nationally, or even internationally), and within cities and metropolitan regions, it causes changes in patterns of land use, in social ecology (the social and demographic composition of neighborhoods), in the built environment, and in the nature of urbanism (the forms of social interaction and ways of life that develop in urban settings). Certain groups of people might view some of these outcomes as problems. Government policies, legal changes, city planning, and urban management might eventually address those problems, often resulting in changes (sometimes unanticipated) that in turn affect the dynamics that drive the overall urbanization process. As suggested by Figure 1.4, the relationships among these processes are complex. Urbanization is not only influenced by the direct effects of these dynamics, but it also experiences “feedback” effects. Meanwhile, almost every aspect of urban FIGURE 1.4 A framework for the study of urban geography: urbanization as a process. URBANIZATION PROCESSES ECONOMIC CHANGE DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGE POLITICAL CHANGE CULTURAL CHANGE SOCIAL CHANGE TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE LOCALLY & HISTORICALLY CONTINGENT FACTORS URBAN SYSTEMS LAND USE BUILT ENVIRONMENT AND TOWNSCAPE SOCIAL ECOLOGY URBANISM OUTCOMES SOCIALLY- DEFINED PROBLEMS POLITICAL CONFLICT POLICY RESPONSES; PLANNING 10 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography after Henry Ford, the car manufacturer who was a pioneer of the principle of mass production, based on assembly line techniques and “scientific” management (known as Taylorism), together with mass consumption, based on higher wages for workers and sophisticated advertising techniques targeted at consumers. The success of Fordism was associated with the devel- opment of a rather tense but nevertheless workable relation- ship between business interests and the labor unions, whose new strength was in itself another important element of “organization.” Meanwhile, the role of government had also expanded—partly to regulate the unwanted side effects of free-enterprise capitalism and partly to mediate the relation- ship between organized business and organized labor. After the Great Depression of 1929–1934, government’s role expanded dramatically to include responsibility for full employment, the management of the national economy, and the organization of various dimensions of the social well-being of people. The market failures that had triggered the Depression undermined the legitimacy of classical, laissez-faire liberalism and led to its eclipse by an egalitarian liberalism that relied on government to manage economic development and soften the unwanted “machinofacture” (industrial production that was based less on handicraft and direct labor power than on mechanization, automation, and intensively used skilled labor). After the Civil War, the extensive railroad system and a strengthened federal system helped to create an economy that was truly national in scale. The most successful family businesses grew bigger and began to take over their competi- tors. Business became more organized as corporations set out to serve regional or national consumer markets rather than local ones. Labor markets became more organized as wage norms spread, and government began to be more organized as the need for regulation in public affairs became increasingly apparent. By the turn of the twentieth century, these trends had reached the point where the nature of capitalist enterprise had changed significantly. It could now be characterized as organized capitalism —a label that came to be increasingly appropriate with the evolution of the economy over the next 75 years or so. In the early decades of the twentieth century, the system’s dynamism (that is, the basis of profitability) shifted away from industrial manufacture and machinofacture as a new labor process took hold. This process was Fordism, named FIGURE 1.5 The long-term view. A summary of some of the major features of economic change and urban development in the United States. Water power Steam engines Cotton textiles Iron works Coal-powered steam engine Steel Railways Machine tools World shipping Internal combustion engine Oil and plastics Electrical engineering Aerospace Radio Telecommunications Microelectronics Digital telecommunications Biotechnology Informatics Canal building First railway boom Second railway boomStreetcar boom First automobile boom Motorways and airports Broadband and satellite systems Laissez-faire Economic Liberalism Municipal Socialism and Machine Politics Boosterism and the Politics of ReformCities as Growth MachinesMetropolitan Fragmentation and Progrowth Coalitions Re-modernization of Institutions, Entrepreneurialism, Neoliberalism Negligible (liberalism) Increasing: regulator Strong (direct): manager/regulator Strong (indirect): partner/facilitator Decreasing: broker (neoliberalism) (egalitarian liberalism) Mercantile urban systems (regional) Organization of industry (national frameworks) Metropolitan spatial decentralization World Cities and international networks Pedestrian City Transitional CityIndustrial City Cities of sectors and zones Suburban infillMetropolises of central cities surrounded by urban realms Megapolitan regions Organized Advanced Competitive Managed (Keynesianism) Globalized Technology systems Major phases of capitalism Infrastructure development Urban governance and politics Role of central government Urban systems Metropolitan form First Modernity Second Modernity Chapter 1 • Urbanization and Urban Geography 11 of the 1980s dismantled much of the Keynesian welfare state, deregulated industry, ushered in an era of public-private co- operation in place-making and economic development, and rekindled libertarian ideas about the primacy of private prop- erty rights. Urban planning has morphed into public-private cooperation, while state and local governments increasingly behave like businesses in their attempts to attract economic development and balance the books. In attempts to recap- ture some control over the global scale of the new economic logic and its social, cultural, and environmental implications, national governments have become increasingly collaborative, supranational entities have emerged, many institutions have extended their focus from a national to an international frame of reference, and many local and regional organizations have become involved in cross-border collaborative networks of one sort or another. For some observers, this points to nothing less than the onset of a second major phase of modernization in which the structures and institutions of nineteenth- and twentieth- century modernization are both deconstructed and recon- structed (Figure 1.5). Whereas urban development during the first modernity was framed by competitiveness within closed geographic systems (national states) that were competing with one another, urban development at the onset of this second modernity is subject to competitiveness at the global scale. The significance of this historical evolution for urbaniza- tion, urban geography, and cities and the people living in them is fundamental. Each new phase of capitalism saw changes in what was produced, how it was produced, and where it was produced. These changes called for new kinds of cities, while existing cities had to be modified. At the same time, of course, cities themselves played important roles in the transformation of capitalist enterprise. As centers of innovation, cities and towns have traditionally functioned as engines of economic growth that provide opportunities for new forms of livelihood and improved prosperity. But despite producing the bulk of national wealth, cities are also locations of exploitation and unemployment. Within a global economy in particular, the costs and benefits of globalization are unevenly distributed among the people that live in cities. The challenge for cities in the global economy of the twenty-first century is to function not only as engines of economic growth but also as agents of change for greater social justice and urban sustainability. Demographic Change One of the most important sub sets of interdependence suggested in Figure 1.4 is that between demographic change and urban- ization. Cities are, in a fundamental way, the product of their people. Put another way, the size, composition, and rate of change of urban populations significantly shape the character of urbanization. Yet the condition of cities themselves can in turn influence those characteristics. Crowded and degraded slums, for example, can lead to higher death rates; cities with good amenities tend to attract particularly large numbers of migrants; and border towns and big cities with international ports and airports tend to attract a disproportionate share of side effects of free-market capitalism for those people most adversely impacted. This top-down approach to economic management, with a commitment to low unemployment, is often referred to as Keynesianism, after the British economist John Maynard Keynes. After World War II, another important transformation in the nature of capitalist economies became evident. Developed countries like the United States and Canada experienced a shift away from industrial production and toward services, particu- larly sophisticated business and financial services, as the basis for profitability. It is denoted in Figure 1.5 as an evolution from organized capitalism to advanced capitalism . This shift began to transform occupational structures for workers, sparking deindustrialization—a decline in manufacturing jobs but not in manufacturing production. Broadly speaking, the key dynamic of urbanization during the two centuries spanning the 1770s and the 1970s was inter- urban competition for jobs and investment, with the unwanted side effects of uneven development being cushioned increas- ingly by local, regional, and national government intervention. This long evolution of the capitalist economy saw the emer- gence of institutions that mutually confirmed and supported one another in an overall process of modernization: the nation- state, the Fordist company, the nuclear family, the system of industrial relations, the welfare state, and the formal institutions of science and technology. But from the mid-1970s on, cities in the United States, along with others around the world, were caught up in a very different dynamic. The increasing globalization of the economy allowed huge transnational corporations to outmaneuver the national scope of both governments and labor unions by moving routine production and assembly operations to lower-cost, less devel- oped parts of the world as part of a new international division of labor (NIDL) . This contributed to a profound destabilization of the relationship between business, labor, and government in developed countries like the United States. Meanwhile, Fordism began to be a victim of its own success, with mass markets for many products becoming saturated. As it became increasingly difficult to extract profits from mass production and mass con- sumption, many enterprises sought profitability through serving specialized market niches. Instead of standardization in produc- tion, specialization required variability and, above all, flexible production systems . There was a rapid decline of the old base of manufacturing industries and the onset of a “new economy” based on digital technologies and featuring advanced business services, cultural products industries, and knowledge-based industries, all framed within the context of a new international division of labor and international finance. The internationalization of economic geo graphy weakened the leverage of both big government and big labor, destabilizing the organized capitalism of the mid- twentieth century and allowing a fundamental intensification of the economic and spatial logic of capital—especially big capi- tal. Much of this was directly at odds with the top-down man- aged capitalism and planned modernization of the previous two centuries, tipping the U.S. space-economy into a significant new phase dominated by neoliberalism: a selective return to the free- market ideas of classical liberalism. The Reagan administration 12 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography URBAN VIEW 1.3 Globalization and Cities The urbanization processes that produce the urban outcomes shown in Figure 1.4 operate at different spatial scales. The rapidly increasing interdependence of the world-system means that the economic and social well-being of cities and the people living in them depends increasingly on complex interactions that are framed at a global scale. Globalization has had profound effects on cities and systems of cities because of the close interaction between global and local forces—a process that has been called glocalization or the global-local nexus . The process and its out- comes involve uneven development both within and among cities. Globalization has led, for example, to the emergence of so-called world cities —command centers such as New York, London, and Tokyo that are key players in the new concentrated financial system. Although globalization is a complicated and controversial topic, we can identify a number of interrelated dimensions— economic, cultural, and political—associated with its processes and urban outcomes. Economic globalization reflects the fact that, although urban, regional, and national circumstances remain very important, what happens in any given city and how it affects, for example, workers or shoppers, is broadly deter- mined by its role in systems of production, trade, and consump- tion that have become global in scope. The term globalization is usually associated with the growing importance of transna- tional corporations operating across a number of countries. The activities of these companies, in the spheres of both production and marketing, are increasingly integrated at a global scale in a new international division of labor. Products are made by work- ers in multiple locations from components manufactured by workers in other places to take advantage of the full range of geographical variations in costs. With a global assembly system, labor-intensive work can be done where labor is cheap, raw materials can be pr ocessed near their source of supply, and final assembly can be done close to major urban markets. Cultural globalization is associated with the development of a broader global culture. This is a controversial idea, but it essentially involves the widespread diffusion of Western values of materialism. Globalization can be seen in the popularity of Hollywood films or the spread of the hamburger. Indeed, Ritzer 4 coined the term “McDonaldization” to denote the ways in which processes of mass consumption are eroding cultural differences among people around the world. It is argued that globalization involves the homogenization of culture—the development of cultural interrelatedness of people throughout the world. New telecommunications systems—especially within urban areas— that allow rapid transmission of information and images to peo- ple’s homes and electronic devices have facilitated this process. But there has been resistance by some people to these global forces through the assertion of local cultural identities, including various popular social movements seeking greater autonomy at the level of regions and cities. Political globalization has been associated with the reduced power of national governments to shape their own destinies. In large measure this has been bound up with the globalization of financial markets so that money can now flow rapidly across national boundaries. In addition, because transnational corpora- tions can switch investment from one country to another, public bodies, including city governments, have little choice but to adopt incentive strategies to compete in attracting and keeping internationally mobile companies and their investment in an effort to promote jobs and economic prosperity for workers and residents. Altogether, these various dimensions of globalization present an enormous challenge to the effectiveness and appropriateness of the economic, political, social, and cultural structures and institutions that had evolved over the two centuries beginning with the Industrial Revolution in the late 1700s. Globalization has brought hybridity and cosmopolitan- ism to the national cultures and social systems of people in many parts of the world. As a result, many social and cultural structures and norms have been subject to change or obsoles- cence, while new, transnational, social and cultural phenomena have emerged. Similarly, globalization has intensified trans- national economic and political interdependence, prompting the reform of many economic and political institutions and the emergence of new supranational institutions and networks. For many observers, it all amounts to the onset of a second modernity, a distinctive break from the national frameworks of urban and economic development to a globalizing framework with an entirely new set of possibilities and competitive oppor- tunities; and, of course, the attendant conflicts and contradic- tions of a new world order. immigrants. Meanwhile, urban economic well-being often mediates the relationships between demographic change and urbanization. So, for example, both birth rates and migration rates depend a great deal on people’s perceptions and expecta- tions of economic opportunities. Political Change The broad ideological swings and shifts that occur from time to time are an important aspect of the influence of political change on urbanization. One well-known example is the reform move- ment that emerged in the United States in the 1870s and 1880s in response to a variety of social problems. As we will see in Chapter 10, the reform movement had an important and lasting influence on urban affairs. A very different and more recent example is that of the political shift at the national and inter- national level before the beginning of the “War on Terrorism”: the end of the Cold War, which had a marked effect on the economies and workers in some Sunbelt cities that had been heavily dependent on defense-related industries (see p. 88). In this last example we see again the mediating role of economic change. Indeed, politics has become intimately related to economic development. Economic issues are important to people and almost always appear in local elec- tions, while both the need for local services and the ability to pay for them by people living in cities are functions of local Chapter 1 • Urbanization and Urban Geography 13 interrelationships. As we will see (p. 96), demographic change is also important, the “baby boom” generation having been the innovators and “carriers” of successive aspects of cultural change from the counterculture of the 1960s to the yuppie materialism of the 1980s and the “suburban bling” of the pri- vate master-planned developments of the 2000s. Technological Change At the broadest level, and in parallel with the overall evolution of capitalism, we should recognize that the economy has been carried along by a succession of technology systems that have been fundamental to the changing conditions that producers have had to confront. These are indicated in Figure 1.5 in terms of the clusters of energy sources, transportation technologies, and key industries that characterized each system: • Early mechanization based on waterpower and steam engines; the development of cotton textiles, pottery, and iron working; and the development of river sys- tems, canals, and turnpike roads for the assembly of raw materials and the distribution of finished products for sale to consumers. • The development of coal-powered steam engines, steel products, railroads, world shipping, and machine tools that affected workers everywhere. • The development of the internal combustion engine, oil and plastics, electrical and heavy engineering, cars, aircraft, radio, and telecommunications whose legacy continues for people in cities today. • The exploitation of nuclear power, the development of lim- ited access highways, durable consumer goods industries, aerospace industries, electronics, and petrochemicals were a further breakthrough affecting people in cities. economic prosperity. As suggested by the direction of the arrows in Figure 1.4, urbanization also directly affects political change in some ways. One example is the way that coalitions of urban voters shaped the basis of modern party politics at the national level during the 1930s and 1940s in the United States (p. 239). Another is the electoral significance of suburban voters who have more recently formed an important foundation of support for the Republican Party. Urbanization also affects political change indirectly through people’s perceptions of the problems associated with various dimensions of urban change, because their perceptions inform and frame many of the issues that are contested in the political arena. Cultural Change We can find parallel examples of the interdependence of urbanization and cultural change. The broad cultural shift of the “postmodernity” (p. 338) of the 1980s, for example, brought, among other things, a renewed interest in the past that has engaged many people and found expression in urban form through historic preservation and the recycling of architectural styles. Meanwhile, urbanization has contrib- uted to cultural dynamics through the youth subcultures— distinguished by features such as clothing, slang, music, and vehicles, including skateboards—that have flourished in cer- tain urban settings. Other aspects of the interdependence between urbanization and culture involve still further pro- cesses of change. The materialism of mainstream American culture, for example, has affected urbanization through home ownership trends and patterns of residential develop- ment, but it has depended on processes of economic change that have been associated with workers’ wages not keeping pace and rising personal debt (see p. 318). It is not only (or always) economic change that is important in mediating such FIGURE 1.6 People disembarking the ferry at Coronado Island, with the skyline of San Diego, California, in the background. The economic and demographic profile of San Diego has been influenced by its military bases, climate, scenery, recreational opportunities, and proximity to the Mexican border. 14 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography achievement, occupational composition, and, ultimately, urban residential patterns. Black and Hispanic suburbanization, for example, is largely attributable to such changes. Urbanization can also induce social change. The physical and socioeconomic attributes of urban settings, for example, foster certain behav- ioral changes, such as the social isolation and withdrawal that seems to be generated among the “lonely crowd” of central city districts (p. 352). The most important changes in American society, for example, have been changes in social status that have been driven by occupational changes resulting from the structural transformation of the economy: the growth of the middle-income workers that accompanied the emergence of organized capitalism and their subsequent decline with the shift toward advanced capitalism (Figure 1.5). THE PLAN OF THE BOOK A rapid sequence of examples such as these can do no more than illustrate the scope and diversity of the interrelationships that surround the central dynamic between urbanization and economic and other change. Urbanization is clearly a multi- dimensional phenomenon, driven by multiple, interdepen- dent processes. In subsequent chapters we will see how these processes produce both regularity and distinctiveness in the geography of cities and urban life. We will present concepts and theories in relation to the overall context of urban change: Such an approach allows us to integrate theory with fact, to appreciate the logic of particular theories, and to understand their relevance to particular circumstances. We begin with a section of the book on the foundations and history of urbanization. In Chapter 2 we offer an overview of the growth of cities and urban life from their earliest origins some 5,500 years ago, which allows us to discuss some of the concepts and theories related to processes and outcomes of urban system change as they affect urban dwellers over the long historical term. We continue in Chapter 3 with a survey of the founda- tions of the U.S. urban system, which lets us consider some of the concepts and theories related to more recent processes and outcomes of urban-system change and the consequences of economic restructuring for patterns of urban growth and decline that affect everyone in these cities.  Chapter 4 provides a parallel review of more recent changes that have occurred in patterns of urbanization and the form and spatial organiza- tion of urban systems in the United States, Canada, Western Europe, Australia, and Japan. Here we trace the evolution of urban form and the associated activities of people from the beginnings of land use specialization, through the emergence of distinctive sectors and zones that came with industrialization, to the metropolitan sprawl of the automobile era and contem- porary development. In the next section of the book we turn our attention to urbanization in less developed countries. In Chapter 5 we consider some of the historic and contemporary changes in social, cultural, economic, political, technological, and environ- mental processes—including colonialism, industrialization, rural-to-urban migration , and overurbanization —affecting cities and the people who live in them in less developed • The most recent (and still incomplete) technology system, which is based on microelectronics, digital telecommu- nications, robotics, biotechnology, fine chemicals, and information systems, that is affecting every aspect of urban life. These technology systems gave shape and direction not only to the evolving national economy but also to the pace and character of urbanization and urban life . They have been imprinted, layer by layer, on American cities and the people living in them. There are many other, more specific examples of the interdependence of urbanization and technological change, although it is often difficult to disentangle cause and effect. Many technological changes, although not strictly causing—or being caused by—changes in urbanization, have been impor- tant preconditions for change: the streetcars that facilitated the first widespread suburbanization of urban residents in the United States, for example (p. 67). To take a very different example, the broader web of interdependence among technol- ogy, culture, economics, demographics, and so on implied by Figure 1.4 is well illustrated by the impact of new birth control technology (the contraceptive pill) in the mid-1960s. Not only did this technology help put an end to the baby boom, it also helped change attitudes toward sex, marriage, and female participation in the labor force—simultaneously affecting several dimensions of urban life. Environmental Change The complexity of the interactions between urbanization and environmental change creates problems of local through global proportions. The area of Earth’s surface needed to absorb the waste products of the people who live in a large city is likely to exceed that city’s boundaries—the ecological footprint— although this can depend on the fuels used for heating, energy generation, and manufacturing; the amount of motorized traffic; the technologies used for disposing of solid and liquid wastes; and local climatic conditions. Most large cities cannot assimilate their waste products, and by burning them they contribute to pollution. The role of people in cities in produc- ing greenhouse gas emissions from increased car use and coal- fired power plants has global climate change implications. At the local scale, cities involve changes in land use and land cover that can produce a diversity of environmental problems. In the United States, Europe, and Russia, for example, countless brownfields —abandoned or underused traditional manufac- turing facilities with actual or potential contamination—are a legacy of a weakly regulated early industrialization process that now complicates redevelopment efforts in many central cities. Social Change Still following Figure 1.4, we move now to some brief illustra- tions of the interdependence between urbanization and social change. Here we can cite the changes that have occurred over the past 30 years in terms of people’s behavior toward racial minorities—changes that have carried over to affect educational Chapter 1 • Urbanization and Urban Geography 15 urbanization for people and of modifying or managing some of the processes that contribute to urban change. At this point we come to the final section of the book in which people and places capture our attention. Chapter 12 deals with the overall patterns of residential differentiation of people in U.S. and European cities, including a discussion of the reasons for residential segregation and an examination of how changes in urbanization have affected patterns of urban social segregation. We get much closer to the detail of urban form in Chapter 13, which shows how the architecture and design of cities can be “read” in relation to the broader sweep of urban- ization processes. We will see how the city’s built environment is like a “text” that mirrors the successive phases of economic development, technological systems, social and cultural change, and so on, that have been inscribed into the overall metropoli- tan forms described in Chapters 3 and 4. The geographer’s traditional concerns with space and territoriality are pursued in Chapter 14, where we see how our daily lives shape—and are shaped by—the larger structures of urban social life and how the nature of urban spaces conditions various aspects of social organization and disorganization. This discussion leads conveniently to a review of some of the major problems of urbanization that affect people in more affluent countries like the United States (Chapter 15): slums and poor neighborhoods; criminal violence; homelessness; and infrastructure and envi- ronmental problems. countries. Chapter 6 discusses the outcomes of these processes for urban dwellers by examining the various patterns of urban form and land use in Latin American, African, Islamic, South Asian, Southeast Asian, and East Asian cities. The discussion in Chapters 5 and 6 leads conveniently to a review of some of the major problems of urbanization for people in less devel- oped countries (Chapter 7): poverty, inadequate housing, lack of urban services, transportation problems, and environmen- tal degradation. In the next section of the book we turn out attention to the processes of urban change. Chapter 8 provides an understanding of urban development as a market-oriented process of investment and production by people, focusing on the behavior of “city makers” such as speculators, developers, builders, investors, and financial managers. A closer look at the dynamics of people’s housing options and neighborhood change is provided by Chapter 9. Here we focus on the nature and operation of housing markets, on households’ behavior in selecting homes, and on the rhythm of neighborhood life cycles. Managing the problems for people associated with neighborhood change and housing mar- kets is, of course, a task of urban governance, and in Chapter 10 we trace the evolution of urban governance and the changing emphases of urban politics in relation to the sequence and pat- terns of urbanization established in earlier chapters. Chapter 11 focuses on the evolution of urban planning (a particular type of policy making) as a way of coping with the outcomes of At the end of each chapter there will be some ideas for following-up on the topics and ideas covered in that chapter. It would be a good idea, though, to follow up on the material FOLLOW UP neoliberalism (p. 11) new international division of labor (p. 11) organized capitalism and Fordism (p. 10) second modernity (p. 11) territoriality (p. 15) uneven development (p. 12) urban system (p. 9) urbanism (p. 9) advanced capitalism and flexible production systems (p. 11) competitive capitalism (p. 9) deindustrialization (p. 7) egalitarian liberalism (p. 10) first modernity (p. 11) globalization and globalized capitalism (p. 9) managed capitalism (Keynesianism) (p. 11) 2. Begin an electronic portfolio of your own work that builds on your reading. An e-portfolio can be compiled in many ways; yours should reflect your own reactions to the material in the book and your own urban interests, experi- ences of cities, and impressions of city life. It is a good idea to compile the e-portfolio in such a way that you can easily add new material. If you do not have 1. Consider the statement (p. 5) that “cities are simultane- ously the products and the shapers of economic, social, and political change” and review the discussion of such changes (pp. 5–6). Can you identify examples that illus- trate how cities are both the products and the shapers of change? Can you think of any additional examples that affect young people in particular? Review Activities Key Terms in this chapter and to begin to prepare for the subject matter of the rest of the book. 16 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography e-portfolio software, word-processing programs will let you integrate images, sound, online links to YouTube and other Web sites, and other multimedia in a fairly seamless manner. Another possibility would be to build your e-portfolio using some sort of Web publishing tool, with the ultimate goal of displaying your work on a Web site. You could also consider creating your e-portfolio using Microsoft PowerPoint or some other presentation software. The content of the e-portfolio should consist of three elements (although they do not necessarily have to be kept separate): a) A summary of the most important aspects of the material in each chapter, together with a record of the questions that the material raises for you. Note how the material is related to the overall framework provided by Figure 1.4 and how it is related to topics and ideas covered elsewhere in the book. Note any issues that you think need further clarification and record people’s ideas and opinions that you believe are particularly provocative or challenging. b) Online, library, and other material that illustrates or explains the issues you have identified in item (a) above. This material might include maps, photos, mp3 music, or videos related to the key sources and sug- gested readings at the end of each chapter that are available from your library or on the Web, such as newspaper or magazine articles, reports from govern- ment or research institution Web sites, documentaries and mockumentaries on YouTube, and so on. c) Additional material that reflects your own interests and reactions to the themes and ideas that you have encountered. This material might take the form of prose commentary, short essays, poetry (your own or others’), quotations or short extracts, drawings, photographs, brief video animations, short sound recordings, or data in the form of maps, charts, or graphs that you can digitize and include in your e-portfolio. Subsequent follow-up sections will contain specific suggestions on what you can do to make your e-portfolio an interesting project. 3. Get in the mood—watch a movie! There are many movies, documentaries, and mockumentaries with “urban” themes that you can download, rent, or borrow. A great documentary is Julien Temple’s 2010 BBC production called “A Requiem to Detroit?” that uses contemporary music and images to tell the story of urban decline in the Motor City—as described by the BBC: “a vivid evocation of an apocalyptic vision: a slow-motion Katrina that has had many more victims.” Log in to www.mygeoscienceplace.com for self-study quizzes, MapMaster layered thematic and place name interactive maps, Urban View Google Earth TM tours, key resources and suggested readings, related websites,“In the News“ RSS feeds, and additional references and resources to enhance your study of urbanization and urban geography. 17 Foundations and History of Urbanization 2 PART A fascinating aspect of urban geography involves trying to understand the processes that led to the development and growth of individual cities and systems of cities. Because urban areas are the result of a long evolution, we need to develop a historical perspective. We can see history’s powerful legacy in the surviving fragments that document the sequence associated with the people and events that helped produce today’s towns and cities. As Ildefons Cerdà, a nineteenth-century Spanish town planner, put it: “Our cities are like historical monuments to which every generation, every century, every civilization has contributed a stone.” Since the evolution of the first cities about 5,500 years ago, changes in social, cultural, economic, political, technological, and environmental processes—including long-distance trade, overseas colonization, and industrialization—have helped fuel urban growth and change. These changes are visible in the internal structure and in the land uses of people in cities and in the development of regional, continental, and, later, global urban systems, as well as world cities. The Origins and Growth of Cities and Urban Life 2 Chapter LEARNING OUTCOMES After reading this chapter, you should be able to: ■ Explain what makes a place “urban.” ■ Describe the possible explanations for the emergence of urban economies and societies. ■ Describe how and why Europe developed a city-based economy after the Dark Ages. ■ Outline and explain the impact of the Industrial Revolution on towns and cities in Europe and North America. 19 Because cities are the result of a long evolution, urban geographers need to develop a historical perspective. We can see history’s powerful legacy in the surviving fragments that document the sequence associated with the people and events that helped produce any city, such as Rome, Italy. The white marble Arch of Septimus Severus in the Roman Forum was built in 203 C.E. to commemorate this emperor’s victories in Parthia (present day Iran). CHAPTER PREVIEW This chapter follows the evolution of cities from their earliest origins about 5,500 years ago through the Industrial Revolution that began in the English Midlands in the mid-1700s. During this long span of urban development and redevelopment, changes in social, cultural, economic, political, technological, and environmental processes— including merchant capitalism, overseas colonization, and industrialization—helped drive urban growth and change. The impacts of these changes can be seen in the internal structure and patterns of land use of people in cities, and in the development of regional, continental, and later global urban systems, as well as world cities. The term urban system refers to the complete set of urban settlements of different sizes that exists within a given territory. Territorial limits set the bounds of an urban system, though only a global scale can be justified as defining a true system in the sense that it captures all the functional relationships among cities. Conventionally, however, urban systems are studied at the scale of regions or countries. With cities and urban life being such relatively recent features in the long span of human existence, we need to consider first the environmental, demographic, and other preconditions needed before cities could even begin to emerge. We then review the various theories of urban origins that together offer the reasons for why cities actually 20 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography Wheatley’s definition of urbanism captures the remarkable social and political changes surrounding the emergence of cities that resulted in a particular set of functionally integrated institutions which were first devised .  .  . to mediate the transformation of relatively egalitarian, ascriptive, kin-structured groups into socially stratified, politically organized, territorially based societies. 1 Sjoberg’s definition highlights important physical and economic attributes that define a city:It is a community of substantial size and population density that shelters a variety of nonagricultural special- ists, including a literate elite. 2 V. Gordon Childe 3 attempted to characterize the distinctive features of cities with a list of distinguishing features of urban civilization: • Size . Settlements were significantly larger in population size than anything that had existed previously. • Structure of the population . Occupational specialization— with the transition from the old agricultural order—meant that the employment of full-time administrators and craftspersons was possible. Consequently, residence rather than kinship became the qualification for citizenship. Inevitably, the rule of the priest-kings, who guaranteed peace and order, involved social stratification. • Public capital . The emergence of public capital allowed monumental public buildings to be erected and full-time artists to be supported. • Records and the exact sciences . The need to keep records promoted the beginnings of a written script and math- ematics, both of which became intimately bound up with urban civilization. • Trade . By no means an urban innovation, a network of trade routes has become a hallmark of urbanization. originated. The earliest towns an d cities were developed indepen- dently in regions of the world where people were transitioning to agricultural food production. Five regions provide the earliest evidence for urbanization and urban civilization: Mesopotamia; Egypt; the Indus Valley; northern China; and the Andes and Mesoamerica. A look at the internal structure of these cities— street patterns, religious precincts, different neighborhoods, and so on—reveals a great deal about their evolution and the political, economic, and social changes that went on in them. Urbanization spread out from the five regions of urban origin so that by about 1000 c.e. successive generations of city-based empires—including those of Greece, Rome, and Byzantium—had emerged in Southwest Asia, China, and parts of Europe. But urban expansion was a precarious and uneven process. For example, although urbanization contin- ued in other parts of the world, the Dark Ages that followed the collapse of the Roman Empire in Western Europe was a time of stagnation and decline in economic and city life. Not until the eleventh century did the regional specializations and long- distance trading patterns emerge that provided the foundations for a new phase of urbanization based on merchant capitalism. Colonization and the expansion of trade around the world eventually allowed Europeans to shape the world’s economies and urban societies. The Industrial Revolution later generated new kinds of cities—and many of them. Together, European colonization and the Industrial Revolution created unprecedented concentrations of people in cities that were connected in networks and hierarchies of interdependence around the world. THE DEFINITION OF A CITY Although most people recognize a city when they see one, no single definition can apply to all cities across space or even to the same city through time. Certainly a description of Mexico City today by a local resident would be very different to Bernal Diaz del Castillo’s description of Tenochtitlán during the Spanish conquest of the Aztecs (see Urban View 2.1 entitled “Bernal Diaz del Castillo’s Description of Tenochtitlán in 1519”). URBAN VIEW 2.1 Bernal Diaz Del Castillo’s Description of Tenochtitlán in 1519 In the middle of Lake Texcoco, Tenochtitlán was the island capital of the Aztecs (just north of modern-day Mexico City). At an estimated 200,000 people, it was one of the largest cities in the world at the time, and larger than most European cities except Paris and Constantinople. Bernal Diaz del Castillo was a conquistador who wrote an eyewitness account of the conquest of the Aztecs in Mexico by the Spanish. 4 The reason Montezuma initially welcomed the Spanish into Tenochtitlán may have been that he thought that Hernán Cortés was the fair-skinned god Quetzalcoatl whose return was predicted by Aztec prophecy. Diaz served as a swords man under Cortés and described their entry into Tenochtitlán on November 8, 1519: As we neared the vicinity of Tenochtitlán, we saw many towns and villages built on artificial islands in the lakes. We were amazed and said that it was like the enchant- ments they tell of in Spanish legend, on account of the great towers and temples and buildings rising from the water, and all built of masonry. And some of our soldiers even asked whether the things that we saw were a dream. Chapter 2 • The Origins and Growth of Cities and Urban Life 21 URBAN VIEW 2.1 Bernal Diaz Del Castillo’s Description of Tenochtitlán in 1519 ( continued) We entered Tenochtitlán along a wide causeway that was crowded with people who came out of the city to see us; and the towers and temples were full of people, as well as the canoes from all parts of the lake (Figure 2.1). It was not surprising, because they had never before seen horses or men like us. When Cortés was told that the Great Montezuma was approaching, he dismounted from his horse, and they paid great reverence to one another. We were offered accommodation in some large houses that had belonged to Montezuma’s father and given a sumptuous dinner. That night our orders were to be much on the alert, both the cavalry and all of us soldiers. So this was our lucky and daring entry into the great city of Tenochtitlán! The next day we climbed to the top of the great temple. From there we saw the three causeways that led into the city and the aquaduct that supplied the city with fresh water (Fig. 2.1). On the great lake we saw a multitude of canoes, some coming with supplies of food, and others returning loaded with cargos of merchandise from the marketplace. There were crowds of people in the marketplace, some buying and others selling, so that the murmur and hum of their voices and the words that they used could be heard from a great distance. Some of the soldiers among us who had been in many parts of the world, in Constantinople, and all over Italy, including Rome, said that they had never before seen so large a marketplace that was so full of people, and so well organized and regulated. Each kind of merchandise was sold in a different part of the market. There were dealers in gold, silver, and precious stones, feathers, and embroidered goods. There were slaves for sale, both men and women, tied to long poles, with col- lars around their necks so that they could not escape. There were traders who sold great pieces of cloth and twisted thread, and others selling ropes or sandals or pottery or cacao. Yet others sold sweet cooked root vegetables. In another part of the market there were the skins of lions and tigers, otters and jackals, deer and mountain cats, some tanned and others not. One part of the market was full of people selling vegetables, fruits, and herbs, and meat, fowl, and fish, as well as honey and nut paste. But why do I waste so many words in recounting what they sell in that great market?—for I will never finish if I tell it all in detail. Eyewitness accounts like this and the archaeological evidence are all that remain of Tenochtitlán. Cortés returned two years later and laid siege to the city. He cut off the causeways and destroyed the aqueduct to prevent food and water from getting to the inhabitants. By the end of the eight month siege, the city had been almost completely destroyed by cannon shot and fires, and many of the Aztec people had died from smallpox, a new disease brought from Europe. FIGURE 2.1 The Spanish conquest in 1519 of the Aztec city of Tenochtitlán (just north of modern-day Mexico City) showing the three causeways into the city and the great temple. 22 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography a greater degree of occupational specialization in nonagricul- tural activities, such as people working in crafts, engineering, and administration, that could be organized effectively only in an urban setting. This interpretation has been criticized as simplistic—an agricultural surplus alone may not have been enough to trigger all the societal and other changes necessary to produce cities. Some experts disagree on the cause-and-effect relationship and believe that fundamental changes in social organization would have been required before an agricultural surplus could be produced. Hydrological Factors Karl August Wittfogel 7 pointed out that many early cities emerged in areas of agriculture that often depended on irriga- tion and the control of the regular spring floods. He contended that elaborate irrigation projects demanded that people adopt new divisions of labor , cooperation on a large scale, and the intensification of cultivation. These changes would stimulate urban development by promoting occupational specializa- tion, a centralized social organization, and population growth based on the production of an agricultural surplus. Again, this interpretation has been criticized by those who believe that major changes in social organization would have been necessary, if not before, then at least in tandem with, the develop- ment of major irrigation projects. Other experts have questioned whether a complex social organizational structure was even necessary in order for people to undertake large-scale irrigation. Still others have pointed out that not all early cities, including some in Mesoamerica, depended on massive irrigation schemes. Population Pressures Ester Boserup 8 believed that increasing population densities and/ or a growing scarcity of wild food sources from hunting and gathering—that previously had provided adequate levels of subsis- tence for people from a relatively low workload—brought on the transition to agricultural food production and urban life. Again, the relationship is unclear in terms of whether food production and urban life caused—or were the result of—increased popula- tion densities. In certain cases demographic growth pressures may have disturbed the balance between population and resources and forced some people to move to areas with more marginal environmental conditions for agriculture. This scenario could have promoted early breakthroughs in agricultural technologies and practices or the establishment of nonagricultural activities, such as trade, defense, or religion, that would have supported the establishment of further urban settlements. Trading Requirements Some experts, observing how countless urban centers had evolved around marketplaces, have interpreted the emergence of cities primarily as a function of long-distance trade. 9 Participation in large-scale trading networks would call for a system to administer the formal exchange of goods that in turn would promote the development of centralized structures of Childe used the term urban civilization because civilization and cities historically have gone hand in hand—the Latin word civitas (cities) is the word from which civilization is derived. From the beginning, cities have been crucibles of innovation that have produced some of the most incredible breakthroughs in human achievement. Ancient Sumer (in southern Iraq) is called the Cradle of Civilization because of the countless inventions of the people in the earliest cities there. The legacies of these early urban innovators continued throughout subsequent civilizations and are seen in contemporary cities—in the use of writing, mathematics, the wheel, and recording time in multiples of 60. PRECONDITIONS FOR URBANIZATION The preconditions necessary for cities to emerge came about with the transition of people from mobile food collection— hunting, gathering, and fishing—to sedentary food production based on agriculture. The increased volume and reliability of an agricultural food supply allowed higher numbers and densities of people to live permanently in one place. This population increase promoted the proliferation of agricultural villages. The villages had to be located in regions where the environ- mental conditions—climate, water supply, topography, natural resources, and soil conditions—were favorable for agriculture. Early breakthroughs in technology and in farming practices— innovations in river and water management, crop and animal strains, and food transportation and storage techniques— were needed to support improvements in food production. Increasingly complex social organizational structures were required to handle the growing population and exchange of agricultural and other products among the village communities. THEORIES OF URBAN ORIGINS Although it would have been difficult for cities and urban life to emerge in the absence of certain basic environmental, demographic, social, and other preconditions, there are various explanations for why cities originated. Although no one theory provides a full account, each allows insights into the role of different factors in promoting early urbanization. Agricultural Surplus Archaeologists, including V. Gordon Childe 5 and Sir Leonard Woolley, 6 argued for the importance of an agricultural surplus. Once early farmers could each produce more food than was needed to feed their own families, they could support a grow- ing sedentary population. The need to administer the agricul- tural surplus called for the more centralized structures of social organization found in cities. New, stratified social structures and institutions were needed to assign rights over resources, exact tributes and impose taxes, deal with the ownership of property, and administer the formal exchange of goods. Elite groups stimulated urban development because they used their wealth to build palaces, arenas, and monuments as displays of their power and status. This building construction demanded Chapter 2 • The Origins and Growth of Cities and Urban Life 23 A More Comprehensive Explanation More recently, the consensus has been that our understand- ing of the origin of cities and urban life should be based on a combination of these separate yet interrelated explanatory factors. As Wheatley put it: It is doubtful if a single autonomous, causative factor will ever be identified in the nexus of social, economic, and political transformations which resulted in the emergence of urban forms. 15 Understanding both the complexity of the many changing processes and the interactions among them are more important than identifying the cause-and-effect relationship for any one explanatory factor. The desire for this kind of comprehensive understanding reflects a growing conceptualization that the origin of cities represented a gradual transformation involving incremental change affecting people over time rather than an abrupt urban revolution. URBAN ORIGINS The earliest towns and cities developed independently in regions of the world where people had transitioned to agricultural food production. Five regions provide the earliest evidence for urban- ization and urban civilization (Figure 2.2). Over time, the regions of urban origin produced successive generations of urbanized world empires. Mesopotamia Mesopotamia (the land between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers), in the area of modern Iraq, provides the earliest evidence for urbanization—from about 3500 b.c.e. This was the eastern social organization. Increasing occupational specialization by people and growing economic competitiveness by cities would encourage more urban development. What remains unclear is the extent to which trade was the cause or the consequence of urban development. Defense Needs Some theorists, including Max Weber, 10 have contended that cities originated because of the need for people to gather together for protection inside the safety of military defenses. Wittfogel 11 pointed out that a comprehensive system of defense was needed to protect valuable irrigation systems from attack. But despite widespread evidence of walls and other fortifica- tions, not all early cities had defenses. As Wheatley acknowl- edged, although not necessarily being the initial reason for the evolution of cities, “warfare may often have made a significant contribution to the intensification of urban development by inducing a concentration of settlement for purposes of defense and by stimulating craft specialization.” 12 Religious Causes The presence of temples and other religious structures reflects the importance of religion in the lives of the people living in the earliest cities. Sjoberg 13 suggested that the control of altar offerings by the religious elite conferred economic and political power that allowed this group of people to influence the social changes that helped initiate urban development. Wheatley 14 maintained that a pervasive institutional structure like religion would have been needed to reinforce for people the changes in social organization that were associated with the economic, technological, and military transformations involved in early urban growth. PACIFIC OCEAN PACIFIC OCEAN ATLANTIC OCEAN INDIANOCEAN ATLANTIC OCEAN Fertile Crescent 1 2 34 5 Regions of urban origin Earliest known agricultural communities FIGURE 2.2 The regions of urban origin (in heavy outline) and the earliest known agricultural communities (shaded areas): (1) Mesopotamia, (2) Egypt, (3) Indus Valley, (4) Northern China, and (5) Andes and Mesoamerica. 24 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography (Zhengzhou) and An’yang, the capital by 1384 b.c.e., were supported by irrigated agriculture. There is evidence of social stratification and occupational specialization, including a heredi- tary leader as well as a warrior elite with absolute control over the agricultural peasants. The Andes and Mesoamerica The oldest known center of urban civilization in the Americas is a group of 18 settlements in the Central Andes situated on a dry desert terrace overlooking the green valley of the Supe river in present-day Peru. The sacred city of Caral-Supe was the principal settlement, and it has been dated to 3000 b.c.e. In contrast, the earliest urban settlements in Mesoamerica date to only about 500 b.c.e. (Figure 2.2). The Zapotec civilization was based on small-scale irrigated farming and was centered on Monte Albán in Mexico. This city was surrounded by a wall and contained pyramids and temples. The later city of Teotihuacán, near modern Mexico City, was larger and at its height—between about 300 and 700 c.e.—contained about 200,000 people. Mayan cities such as Tikal and Uaxactun date from about 100  b.c.e. The Mayan cities were located in lowland areas of modern Mexico, including the Yucatan peninsula, as well as in Guatemala and Belize. Some reached populations as large as 50,000. These settlements were the centers of small states that united occasionally into loose confederations. 17 A supreme ruler and an urban elite, including religious and military groups, administered the settlements. Some of the breakthroughs in tech- nology and farming practices in the other regions of urban origin are not found in Mesoamerica. The agriculture here was based on maize (corn) cultivation that did not require metal agricultural implements, domesticated animals to pull plows, or extensive irrigation systems. Mayan civilization reached its peak between part of the so-called Fertile Crescent (Figure 2.2). The signifi- cant growth in size of some of the agricultural villages on the rich alluvial soils of the river floodplains formed the basis for the large, relatively autonomous, and often-rival city-states of the Sumerian Empire from about 3000 b.c.e. They included Ur, in southern Iraq, the capital from about 2300 to 2180 b.c.e., as well as Eridu, Uruk, and Erbil (ancient Arbela). These fortified city- states contained tens of thousands of people, social stratification, with religious, political, and military classes, innovative technolo- gies, including massive irrigation projects, and extensive trade connections. By 1885 b.c.e., the Sumerian city-states had been taken over by the Babylonians and then the Neo-Babylonians, who governed the region from their capital city, Babylon. Egypt The Fertile Crescent stretched in an arc as far west as Egypt, which became a unified state from about 3100 b.c.e. (Figure 2.2). Large irrigation projects were built to control the Nile’s waters for agricultural and other uses. Despite the importance of early urbanization in the Nile Valley, only limited archaeological evidence of the first towns and the people who lived in them has survived. 16 Internal peace in Egypt meant that there was no need for people to occupy the same site continuously to justify mas- sive investments in a city’s defensive fortifications. Given this potential for urban mobility, the lifespan of the largest city, the capital, was relatively short. Each pharaoh was free to locate a new capital at any site he selected for his tomb. After his death the city was usually abandoned to the priests. The main surviving struc- tures are the stone tombs and temples that were the primary focus of construction. Few of the other buildings—public, commer- cial, and residential—survive, having been constructed of more perishable materials, such as sun-dried brick and timber. Without a tradition of long-term building and rebuilding, Egyptian cities did not generate the rich evidence of urban development and redevelopment characteristic of the tells of Mesopotamia (see  Figure 2.3). Nevertheless, between 2000 and 1400 b.c.e., urbanization continued with the founding of capital cities like Thebes, Akhetaten (Tell el-Amarna), and Tanis. The Indus Valley As in Mesopotamia, but later, by about 2500 b.c.e., the Indus Valley in modern Pakistan contained relatively large urban communities that were supported on the fertile alluvial soils and extensive irrigation systems of the river plains. This region had a single ruler and two capital cities: Harappa in the north, after which the civilization was named, and Mohenjo-Daro in the south (Figure 2.2). A network of trade extended as far as the Sumerian Empire in Mesopotamia. Much about Harappan civilization, including its origin, is unknown, partly because the Indus Valley script that the people used has not been deciphered. Northern China The Shang dynasty developed in the fertile plains of the Huang He (Yellow River) by about 1800 b.c.e. (Figure 2.2). As in the Fertile Crescent and Indus Valley, Shang cities, such as Chengchow FIGURE 2.3 Erbil (ancient Arbela) in northeast Iraq is located atop a tell, a mound, visible as a hill rising high above the surrounding plain—representing the remains of generations of sun-dried mud-brick buildings—that reflects millennia of human occupation in one place involving new structures being built upon the collapsed rubble of demolished ones. The 100-foot high Erbil tell is believed to represent perhaps 6,000 years of continuous occupation. Chapter 2 • The Origins and Growth of Cities and Urban Life 25 indicate the presence of significant central control from an early stage. But an unplanned street layout does not mean the absence of a central authority. In Mesopotamia, for example, the street patterns were not planned but reflected the organic street layouts that survived as the early agricultural villages grew into towns; the archaeological evidence of massive walls and irrigation systems, however, indicates central planning of defense and water management (see Urban View 2.2 entitled “Internal Structure of the Earliest Cities,” which fits within the spatial description approach described in Chapter 1). A city’s internal structure is never static, being the product of development and redevelopment by people over time. Cities that were founded with a strong hand of planning can contain later sections of organic growth, as in some cities of Roman origin, such as London, where later unplanned urban about 300 and 900 c.e.; by the time of the Spanish conquest in the sixteenth century, it had been in decline for several centuries because of droughts, warfare, and population pressures. INTERNAL STRUCTURE OF THE EARLIEST CITIES A common approach to examining the internal structure of cities is to identify whether the layout of an urban area was largely unplanned or deliberately planned by one or a number of people. This categorization distinguishes between cities that evolved in an unplanned— organic growth—process and those that were laid out in a predetermined way based on some planned approach, such as a gridiron street pattern. The planned layout of streets and transportation arteries may URBAN VIEW 2.2 Internal Structure of the Earliest Cities Mesopotamia Sir Leonard Woolley’s excavations at Ur in the 1920s and early 1930s revealed the organic growth pattern characteristic of the Mesopotamian city-states (Figure 2.4). Woolley described Ur in about 1700 B.C.E. : • The walled city contained about 35,000 people. The mud- brick wall was about 25-feet high and at least 77-feet thick. It was oval shaped and about three-quarters of a mile long by half-a-mile wide. The Euphrates River ran along the wall in the west, a navigable canal along the north and east, and harbors were in the north and west. Near the center were the palaces and residences of the royal offi- cials. Social differentiation was less orderly in other sections of the city. Woolley’s description of an excavated middle- income neighborhood illustrates how income and climate were reflected in the size and design of the housing, while the unplanned nature of the streets provided a measure of privacy and defense: The unpaved streets are narrow and winding, sometimes mere blind alleys leading to houses hid- den away in the middle of a great block of haphaz- ard buildings; large houses and small are jumbled together, a few of them flat-roofed tenements one storey high, most of them of two storeys .  .  . The basic plan was of a house built round a central court- yard . . . that gave light and air to the house. 18 • A religious area measuring about 270 by 190 yards, surrounded by a huge mud-brick wall, was located in the northwest of the walled city. A 68-foot high terraced tower (ziggurat) containing the shrine of Nannar, the Moon god, the owner of the city-state, would have been visible for miles. This religious and administrative core— reserved for the priests and royal household—had a great courtyard surrounded by temples, a court of law, tax offices, and storage buildings for religious offerings. • The outer city or suburbs comprised the remainder of the city-state. The houses and farms there contained an estimated 200,000 people. FIGURE 2.4 A residential section of Ur to the southeast of the religious area in about 1700 B.C.E. Note how the narrow and winding streets and the irregular size and shape of the lots reflect an unplanned—organic growth—process of urban development in Mesopotamia. Egypt Towns, and even capital cities, in Egypt remained small because most people were agricultural workers who lived on the land. The cities contained the markets and the residents who worked (continued) 26 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography URBAN VIEW 2.2 Internal Structure of the Earliest Cities ( continued) in retail, craft, government, and religious activities. With civil war and armed invasions rare, urban settlements in Egypt had little need for defensive walls or fortifications. The capital was the home of the pharaoh and the royal court. Akhetaten ( modern Tell el-Amarna), built about 1400 B.C.E., is representative of capital cities in Egypt. This city ran for about 5 miles along the east bank of the Nile and was about a half mile to a mile wide. Social stratification is reflected in the city’s layout: • A walled temple and palace at the center, with other temples, government offices, military barracks, and storage buildings nearby. • Areas of slum housing throughout the city. • Northern and southern suburbs. • A workmen’s village based on a gridiron plan to the east of the city. The roughly rectangular city blocks were laid out when the city was founded, with infilling left to the residents. The wealthiest residents took the best lots that fronted onto the two main streets that ran parallel to the river. The typical middle-income house was built in the center of a walled enclosure and had a porch and central living room. The Indus Valley Although not the first to use a gridiron plan, the Harappan cities likely were the first planned towns because they are believed to be the first system of cities that used the same town planning approach (Figure 2.5). Despite being located hundreds of miles apart, cities like Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro shared similarities in their basic internal structure. Each covered at least a square mile in area and contained about 35,000 people. An imposing walled citadel built on a mud-brick platform was located to the west of each city. In contrast to the religious area of Mesopotamian cities, this citadel did not contain a dominant religious building like a ziggurat. The citadel contained some structures that might have had a ritual use (such as the bath at Mohenjo-Daro), as well as buildings used for administrative purposes (including offices and grain storage buildings). The citadel’s western location would have allowed urban residents to see the rooftop civic and ceremonial gatherings silhouetted dramatically against the backdrop of the setting sun. 19 The main east-west streets led to the citadel. The houses varied from small one-story one-roomed buildings to larger two-story houses with central courtyards. The workmen’s quarters contained rows of identical two-roomed houses. Northern China The archaeological evidence is relatively limited, but excavations at the capital city of An’yang have revealed thick walls of beaten earth surrounding the city. At the center was a walled palace. The nearby houses of the wealthy were wooden and built on raised platforms of beaten earth. Poorer residents lived in pit-dwellings. The city’s layout was probably planned because all the buildings that were excavated were oriented toward the north. The Andes and Mesoamerica The most imposing buildings in Mayan cities were the religious and other ceremonial structures, such as the tall pyramids that were planned around broad plazas. The temples and the palaces and residences of the ruler and the military and religious elite were laid out at the center of the city. Nearby were the homes of the wealthy citizens. Farther out were low-density areas of simple thatched wooden huts that housed the majority of the people who worked in agriculture or crafts. FIGURE 2.5 Part of the town plan of Mohenjo-Daro. Note how the use of a gridiron plan in Mohenjo-Daro (as in Harappa and other Indus Valley cities) reflects a planned approach in which fairly wide and straight main streets intercept cross streets at right angles to form large city blocks that contained a number of houses. Chapter 2 • The Origins and Growth of Cities and Urban Life 27 invaders in about 1750 b.c.e.—to reestablish itself. Hindu cities were founded, and from the end of the fourth century b.c.e., the Maurya Empire built cities across India and laid the foundations for urban life throughout southeast Asia. The Arab invasions of the eighth century c.e. began the period of Muslim rule in India; cities like Lahore were established, and Delhi became an important administrative and cultural center. In China the Chou dynasty succeeded the Shang dynasty in 1122 b.c.e. and over the next nine centuries spread urban- ization from the Huang He region to the east and south of Chang Jiang (Yangtze River). Between the third century b.c.e. and the third century c.e., the Ch’in and later Han dynasties helped spread urbanization throughout East Asia, including along the Silk Road (see the Urban View 2.3 entitled “The Silk Road: Long-Distance Trade and Urban Expansion”). The next major period of urbanization in China came at the time of the Mongol invasions with the establishment of cities as part of a new Mongol empire. Urbanization came later to Korea and Japan through Chinese influence. In Japan urbanization began with the founding of Osaka in 400 c.e., followed by a succession of royal capitals in the seventh and eighth centuries. This culminated by the ninth century with Kyoto, whose status as capital for almost a millen- nium led to its growth to an unprecedented size for cities of the time. Following a period of decline, there was a resurgence of urbanization in the late fourteenth century with the establish- ment of “castle towns,” including some, like Edo (Tokyo), that would become huge urban centers. In Mesoamerica, the Maya and neighboring groups, including the Zapotecs and, later, Aztecs to the north and west, as well as the Incas farther south, continued to build cities. As we will see later in this chapter (and in Chapter 5), aggressive European colonization, beginning with the Spanish conquest in the sixteenth century, brought drastic changes to these urban civilizations. growth during the medieval period obliterated the gridiron street pattern of the former Roman core. Similarly, cities that evolved with an organic growth pattern can have later planned sections, as in Vienna where the planned redevelopment of the area of the former wall in the late nineteenth century contrasts with the organic growth of the earlier medieval street pattern. URBAN EXPANSION FROM THE REGIONS OF URBAN ORIGIN The spread of urbanization outward from the regions of urban origin involved uneven development —over time and within and between different parts of the world (Figure 2.6). 20 There was a progression of growth, expansion, and succession of early urban empires that was gradual and incremental. The spread of urbanization was a precarious process in which many civiliza- tions lapsed into ruralism before being revived or recolonized. The Persians helped spread cities from Mesopotamia to Central Asia. To the north, the Assyrians established a system of cities that extended west from their capital city, Assur, to Syria and Asia Minor (the Asian part of Turkey, also called Anatolia). By about 1700 b.c.e., other groups, including the Hittites, had displaced the Assyrians and established their own cities. Farther west, by 1600 b.c.e., Mycenaeans had founded urban settle- ments, including the legendary cities of Mycenae and Thebes in modern-day Greece. The small “Canaanite” city-states that grew up in what is now Israel and Syria by 2000 b.c.e., such as Tyre, Beirut, Jericho, Gaza, and Damascus, were taken over by the Egyptians and Hittites. After 1200 b.c.e., with the collapse of Egyptian and Hittite control, the Israelites founded small urban centers that grew into large cities such as Jerusalem. To the west, the Phoenicians helped spread urbanization by sea as far as Spain. Farther east in what became modern India and Pakistan, it took a thousand years for urban life—dislodged by the Aryan Hindu cities to 13th century City introduced into Europe by Greeks and Romans 400 B.C. – A.D. 400 Europeans diffuse city through colonialism16th–19th centuries Chinese disperse cities 200 B.C. – A.D. 400 Russians introduce cities 16th–20thcenturies Islamic city spread 8th–18th centuries FIGURE 2.6 Urban expansion in conjunction with the expansion of selected empires. 28 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography URBAN VIEW 2.3 The Silk Road: Long-Distance Trade and Urban Expansion The Silk Road evolved out of trade routes that developed initially along the Fertile Crescent in Mesopotamia in the west and later in the area of the Ch’in dynasty in the east. The Silk Road is an excellent example of how long-distance trade fueled urban expansion and produced an extensive system of cities along a route that eventually connected China with Europe between about 500 B.C.E. and 1500 C.E. (Figure 2.7). The overland portion started in the east from the ancient Chinese capital of Changan (modern Xi’an), a bustling center of trade and industry. This collection and distribution node served the surrounding region, from which goods were assembled and some processed before being exported westward along the Silk Road. Leaving Changan, the route followed the Great Wall of China until it forked around the Takla Makan Desert before crossing the Pamir Mountains and continuing on through Afghanistan and Iran to reach the Mediterranean, where the goods continued on to Europe by ship. The caravans could be enormous, with as many as 1,000 camels carrying up to 500 pounds of goods each. In addition to silk, which initially appeared so extraordinary to Europeans, green and white jade, blue lapis lazuli, ceramics, gunpowder, iron, spices, fruit, and flowers went west toward Europe, while gold, silver, amber, ivory, cotton, and wool headed east. Perhaps as important as trade was the exchange of ideas about new technologies, scientific skills, language, art, and religion—not least, writing, printing, and papermaking—among the people along these routes. The need for safe overnight campsites for the caravans and their valuable cargos led to the growth of cities that offered security and trade opportunities for people traveling along the route. Caravan cities that grew to considerable size, like Samarkand, now in eastern Uzbekistan, and Kashgar (Kashi) at the foot of the Pamir Mountains in extreme western China, were heavily fortified. People came to the regular markets that were held in these cities, especially near the city gates serving the Silk Road. Flourishing trade along the route also generated rich profits that helped support entire empires and urban civilizations. By about 100 B.C.E. , the Roman Empire in the west, the Han dynasty in the east, and the Parthian Empire in Persia (modern Iran) in between were all benefiting from the commercial activity of people that crisscrossed the Silk Road. With Europe’s emergence from the Dark Ages, steady population growth and limited amounts of usable land helped trigger the transition from feudalism to merchant capitalism. With time, the Europeans’ growing technological superiority on the seas allowed them to increasingly dominate world trade. European naval discoveries opened up new trade opportunities, including a sea route to India around Africa that bypassed southwest Asia and ultimately contributed to the demise of ancient trade networks like the Silk Road. The political and military situation in countries like Iraq, Iran, and Afghanistan would make any attempt at crossing Central Asia along the 5,000 miles of the Silk Road an incredibly difficult, if not impossible, journey today. Besides, most of the Silk Road is gone. Only some surviving remnants attest to the importance of this ancient trade network of caravan routes that were studded with towns and cities like strings of pearls extending across the inhospitable deserts and mountain ranges of Central Asia. FIGURE 2.7 Children looking at a map of the Silk Road during a visit to the American Museum of Natural History in New York. This ancient trade network of caravan routes that extended across Central Asia from as early as 500 B.C.E. until about 1500 C.E., is an excellent example of how long-distance trade fueled urban expansion and produced a extensive system of cities that connected the four major regions containing the great empires at the time: Europe, Southwest Asia, India, and China. Chapter 2 • The Origins and Growth of Cities and Urban Life 29 THE ROOTS OF EUROPEAN URBAN EXPANSION Greek Cities The Greeks originally came into the Aegean Sea region from the north. They built upon the city-building ideas that had spread into the Mediterranean from the Fertile Crescent. By 800 b.c.e., the Greeks had founded cities such as Athens, Sparta, and Corinth. The importance for the Greeks of religion, commerce, administration, and defense were reflected in the layout of their city-states. At the center was the high city—the “acropolis”— the defensive stronghold that contained temples, government offices, and storehouses. Below the high city (“sub-urbs” in Latin), were the “agora” for the markets and political gatherings, more government and religious buildings, military quarters, and residential neighborhoods, all surrounded by a defensive wall. Athens and the older mainland cities had an organic growth pattern characteristic of unplanned Mesopotamian urban devel- opment. The street systems of later Greek city-states were based on a gridiron pattern, usually on a north-south axis, regardless of site conditions (Figure 2.8). The Greeks located many of the earliest cities along coastlines, reflecting the importance of long-distance sea trade for this urban civilization. Population growth combined with limited cultivable land on the mainland drove overseas colonization and the establishment of a Greek system of cities. Bands of colonists and their families established new indepen- dent city-states that stretched from the Aegean Sea to the Black Sea, around the Adriatic Sea, and along the Mediterranean as far west as modern Spain (Figure 2.9). Urban growth and expansion outward from the regions of urban origin were fueled by critical innovations, especially in technology and economic organization, allied with changes in social organization. Demographic changes—including the deaths of many people in epidemics and wars—were a factor. Adequate numbers of workers were needed to maintain the social and economic infrastructures that supported urbaniza- tion. This proved critical in the Indus Valley in about 1750 b.c.e., where population decline allowed the Aryan invaders to bring the Harappan urban civilization to an abrupt end. Changes in the balance between people and their resource base could help fuel urban growth or promote decline. Ultimately, self-propelled urban growth is limited by the size of a society’s resource base. The maintenance of irrigation systems, for example, combined with the necessity for increasing productivity to sustain a growing population, could put incredible pressures on the agricultural workforce. After a while, investments could be neglected, armies reduced in size, and an empire’s strength and cohesion fatally undermined. This kind of sequence may have been behind the eventual collapse of the Sumerian Empire and may have contributed to the abandonment of many Mayan cities hundreds of years before the Spanish conquest. One response to a limited resource base—territorial expansion and colonization—often reinforced and extended the urbanization process. The need for increasing numbers of control centers and improved transportation networks to support colonization and long-distance trade tended to produce a hierarchical urban system. In this way the expansion of the Greek and Roman empires laid the foundations for an urban system in Western Europe. FIGURE 2.8 General plan of a typical Greek city-state—Priene (in modern-day Turkey). Note how the use of the gridiron plan reflects a planned approach. Acropolis Theater Agora City wall Stadium Main gate into city Temples Gymnasium 0 30 Meters 30 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography inhabitants, while most urban settlements had only a few thousand people. Roman Cities The expanding Roman Empire displaced Greek civilization during the second and first centuries b.c.e. By the second century c.e., the Romans had established towns across southern Europe and laid the foundation for the Western European urban system (Figure 2.10). Roman cities were similar in certain respects to their Greek predecessors (Figure 2.11). They were based on the grid system, contained a central “forum” for markets and political gatherings, were encircled by a defensive wall, were deliber- ately established in newly colonized territories, were part of an extensive system of long-distance trade, and remained fairly small. Although the population of Rome likely reached the one million mark by 100 c.e., large Roman towns usually contained only about 15,000 to 30,000 inhabitants, while most places had no more than 2,000 to 5,000 people. An important difference between Greek and Roman cities was that Roman cities were not independent. They functioned within a well-organized empire centered on Rome and were designed along hierarchical lines, reflecting the Roman rigid class system. Another difference was the greater concentration of Roman cities in inland locations, reflecting The Greeks developed new forms of government whose influence is reflected in subsequent democratic and participa- tory modes of urban governance throughout the world. Partly as a product of enlightened Greek culture, political authority came to reside in an assembly of—albeit male—citizens who elected a city leadership. Although Greek civic life continued to be conducted within a religious context, the laws and political decisions were no longer presented as unchallenge- able divine commands, as they had been in Mesopotamia and Egypt. 21 After the rest of Greece lost its independence to the Macedonians in 338 b.c.e., overseas colonization became more centrally organized and based on a “mass production of cities” that extended eastward toward Central Asia: Alexander the Great and his Successors founded on geopolitically important sites and built up as strategic strongholds, a whole network of towns and cities, which evolved into centres spreading Greek culture and civiliza- tion, over the greatest part of the then known world. It was one of the greatest ‘colonial’ town planning and building actions which was ever accomplished in history. 22 But Greek cities remained quite small by today’s standards. Although Athens probably reached a population of about 150,000, many of the larger cities ranged from 10,000 to 15,000 FIGURE 2.9 Greek city-states in the Mediterranean. Note how the earliest Greek cities were located along coastlines, reflecting the importance of long-distance sea trade for this urban civilization. M ed iterran ean S ea Black Sea ATLANTIC OCEAN EUROPE ASIA AFRICA 0 200 400 Kilometers 0 200 400 Miles Greek colonies (750-550 B.C.E.) Chief areas of Greek influence Chapter 2 • The Origins and Growth of Cities and Urban Life 31 FIGURE 2.10 Cities of the Roman Empire about 200 C.E. The Romans established a well-integrated urban system and transportation network that laid the foundation for the Western European urban system. 0 250 500 Kilometers 0 250 500 Miles their predominant function as control centers. Many modern European cities can trace their origins to the Roman period, including London, Brussels, Paris, Cologne, Vienna, Sofia, and Belgrade. The Romans achieved impressive feats of civil engineering. The most important towns were directly connected to one another and to Rome by a magnificent system of roads that facilitated strategic military and trading communications. The underground sewer and surface water supply infrastructures in Roman cities contributed to impressive health improvements that set the standard for later cities. In Rome public latrines served the majority of people. The system of elevated aqueducts and fresh- water reservoirs that brought water for drinking and bathing into the city ran for over 300 miles and carried 60 million cubic feet of water per day. 23 The Romans used cities as a mechanism to impose their authority and legal system throughout their vast empire. They understood that any attempts to hold newly acquired territories by military force could invite guerrilla warfare that would distract the army from its task of maintaining and extending the empire’s borders; it could also hurt the development of commerce. Native tribes, therefore, had to be brought into the empire on advantageous terms—by equating Romanization with urbanization. Tribal centers were redeveloped as Roman towns of varying political status. Other towns were also established for economic and political reasons and populated by ex-soldiers and settlers from Rome and other older towns. At the time of the fall of Rome in the fifth century c.e., the Romans had established a well-integrated urban system and transportation network that stretched from England in the northwest to Babylon in the east. By as early as the second century c.e., however, the empire’s population had already begun to decline, causing labor shortages, abandoned fields, and depopulated towns and allowing the incursions of “barbarian” tribes from the Germanic lands of east-central Europe that helped topple the empire. Dark Ages The Dark Ages in Western Europe was a period of stagnation and decline in city life after the collapse of the Roman Empire until about 1000 c.e. Of course, urban life continued to flourish in other parts of the world, including the city building associated with the “explosion of Islam” 24 beginning in the latter half of 32 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography politically unstable situation made long-distance trade virtually impossible, cutting off the lifeblood of cities, and creating isolated, crumbling, and depopulated urban centers. Most of the urban places that survived were ecclesiastical or  university centers, defensive strongholds, or administra- tive hubs. • Ecclesiastical or university centers: Some Roman towns continued to be occupied because of the church practice of designating certain urban centers as bishoprics—the seats of bishops—and building a cathedral within the old Roman walls. Other towns survived because of their importance as educational and subsequently university centers. Examples include St. Andrews in Scotland; Canterbury and Cambridge in England; Rheims and Chartres in France; Liège in Belgium; Bremen in Germany; Trondheim in Norway; and Lund in Sweden (Figure 2.12). • Defensive strongholds: The constant threat of attack spurred the construction of castles and other fortifications in cities in general and in some parts of Eastern Europe that had previously been underrepresented by urban development. Examples include the hilltop towns of the 7th century c.e. In the following centuries, existing towns like Mecca, Medina, Baghdad, and Damascus experienced a dramatic rebirth, while new cities were founded, including Teheran in Iran; Basra, Mosul, and Karbala in Iraq; and Cairo and Tangiers in North Africa; and farther south in sub-Saharan Africa, cities in the west, such as Timbuctoo (Timbuktu) in modern Mali and Kano in Nigeria; as well as cities in the east, such as Mombasa in Kenya. Urban life flourished in parts of Europe where long- distance trade continued, as in those cities under Muslim influence, including Cordova, Granada, and Seville in Spain, or in cities under Byzantine control, most notably Byzantium (Constantinople, later Istanbul) in modern Turkey. By the end of the fourth century, as Rome was falling into decline, Constantine had moved the capital of the Roman Empire to Constantinople. As the capital of the Byzantine Empire between about 360–650 c.e., with its strategic location for trade between Europe and Asia, this city grew to become the largest in the world at the time, with about half a million people. In the rest of Europe the Germanic invaders and, later, Viking raiders from the north took advantage of the vacuum created by the Roman Empire’s collapse. This FIGURE 2.11 General plan of a typical Roman city—Calleva (Silchester in England). Note how the use of the gridiron plan reflects a planned approach. Chapter 2 • The Origins and Growth of Cities and Urban Life 33 Mainz, and Magdeburg in Germany; Winchester in England; and Toulouse in France (Figure 2.14). Feudalism curtailed the development of European cities because its highly structured and self-contained nature favored the self-sufficient country manor as the basic building block of settlement. Feudalism was a rigid, mostly rural form of economic and social organization based on the communal chiefdoms of the Germanic tribes who had invaded the disintegrating Roman Empire. Each feudal estate was more or less self-sufficient in the production of food, and each kingdom or principality was more or less self-sufficient in the provision of raw materials needed to craft simple products. Yet in spite of this unlikely beginning, an elaborate urban system evolved whose largest centers eventually grew into what would become the nodal centers of a global world-system. Urban Revival in Europe during the Medieval Period Beginning in the eleventh century, the feudal system weakened and began to collapse in the face of successive demographic, economic, and political crises. The fundamental cause of these crises was steady population growth in conjunction with only modest technological improvements and limited amounts of cultivable land. To bolster their incomes and raise armies against each other, the feudal nobility began to levy increas- ingly higher taxes. As a result, the peasants, most of whom were serfs (descended from slaves and not free) or tenants (whose freedom to move, marry, leave property to their heirs, buy goods, or sell their labor was very much constrained by public law), were forced to sell more of their produce for cash on the market. This fostered a more extensive money economy central Italy such as Foligno, San Gimignano, and Urbino (Figure 2.13). • Administrative hubs: Administrative centers for the upper tiers of the feudal hierarchy included Cologne, FIGURE 2.12 St. Andrews, Scotland, an important ecclesiastic center. The cathedral was built in the twelfth century, the castle (an episcopal residence), about 1200. The university was founded in 1410. FIGURE 2.13 San Gimignano, Italy, on a classic hilltop defense site, was originally settled by the Etruscans in the third century B.C.E. The town was named for Gimignano, the bishop of Modena and future saint, who saved the town from barbarian pillaging in the tenth century. It grew prosperous because of the nearby Francigena Way, a busy trade and pilgrim route, and became a city-republic in 1199. Rival families built the towers during the eleventh and thirteenth centuries as symbols of their wealth and status—the higher and more imposing the better. Fifteen of the original 72 medieval towers survive. 34 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography include London and York in England and Regensburg in Germany (Figure 2.15). • Burgs were fortified military bases that evolved into towns as they acquired commercial functions. Examples include Oxford and Nottingham in England and Magdeburg in Germany (Figure 2.16). • Towns that evolved from village settlements through organic growth . Examples in England include Wycombe in Buckinghamshire and Wickham in Hampshire (Figure 2.17). and the beginnings of a pattern of trade in basic agricultural produce and craft manufactures. Some long-distance trade even began in luxury goods, such as spices, furs, silks, fruit, and wine. This trade caused towns to begin to grow in size and vitality. Medieval towns can be classified into five categories on the basis of their origin. 25 • Towns of Roman origin survived during the Dark Ages or were reestablished after being deserted. Examples FIGURE 2.14 Cologne, Germany, a medieval administrative hub. When this woodcut was made in the late 1400s, Cologne had a population of less than 25,000 but was already an important administrative, commercial, and manufacturing center, with an important cathedral and a university that was already more than 100 years old. FIGURE 2.15 This aerial view of Chichester in West Sussex, England, shows the legacy of its Roman origin: the main north-south and east-west streets and a later defensive wall that replaced the original Roman one. Chapter 2 • The Origins and Growth of Cities and Urban Life 35 this regard, bastide towns were part of a deliberate and fairly widespread policy of town plantation that coin- cided with an unprecedented boom in urban growth in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries as increased trade across northern Europe marked the transition from feudalism to merchant capitalism. As planned towns, most were laid out with a gridiron street plan. The main inducement to attract settlers was the grant of a house plot within the town and farming land nearby. Examples include Ludlow and Kingston upon Hull in • Bastides were planned new towns in France, England, and Wales. The initial motive for establishing these towns was usually strategic, but their sponsors also saw them as an investment that could yield income. Bastide towns were typically laid out around a castle and protected by heavily fortified walls. The towns provided essential services for their military garrisons and helped stabilize the surrounding countryside, but they also provided a source of income for their spon- sors through market tolls, rents, and court fines. In FIGURE 2.16 An aerial view of Wallingford in Oxfordshire, England, a Medieval burg whose origin was a fortified military base that evolved into a town as it acquired commercial functions. The market place was located just west of the intersection of the two main streets (at the center in the photo). The castle (in the lower right of the photo) is located beside the Thames where William the Conqueror crossed this river. FIGURE 2.17 This aerial photo of Warkworth in Northumberland, England, gives an idea of how a medieval town that was evolving organically from a village settlement might have looked. The linear plan reflects how this village grew up along a winding roadway within the defensive protection of a meander along the Cloquet river. The legacy of the importance of the church and castle in the lives of the people in this village during medieval times is reflected today in the fact that they are still the most imposing structures, towering over all nearby buildings. 36 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography im Breisgau in Germany and Berne in Switzerland (Figure 2.19). All medieval towns shared common features of internal structure. At the center was an open square for markets, sur- rounded in larger cities by the cathedral or church, the town hall, the guildhalls, the palaces, and the houses of prominent citi- zens. Close to the center were streets or districts that specialized England; Caernarvon in Wales; and Aigues-Mortes and Carcassone in France (Figure 2.18). • Planted towns included other planned new towns throughout Europe, with or without a predetermined layout. Most were founded on a roadside or river- side location for commercial purposes to take advan- tage of the general reestablishment of long-distance trade. Examples include Offenburg and Freiburg FIGURE 2.18 Aigues-Mortes, France, a medieval bastide. This aerial view shows the gridiron street pattern inside the rectilinear walls of the town and the surrounding fields and vineyards. FIGURE 2.19 Berne, Switzerland, a medieval planted town. This aerial view shows the gridiron street pattern of the original town that formed the nucleus of the contemporary city and how the layout reflects the influence on urban form of its location on a riverbend in the Aare. Chapter 2 • The Origins and Growth of Cities and Urban Life 37 butchers within. They bought the privilege of self- government, substituting a money economy for one based on land . . . . Towns recruited manpower by offering freedom to any serf who would live within their walls for a year and a day. 27 Beginning with commercial networks established by the merchants of Venice, Pisa, Genoa, and Florence (in northern Italy) and the trading partners of the Hanseatic League, a federation of city-states around the North Sea and Baltic coasts (see the Urban View 2.4 entitled “Hanseatic League Cities”), a trading system of immense complexity soon spanned Europe from Bergen to Athens and from Lisbon to Vienna. Long-distance trade became firmly reestablished, but it was based more on bulky staples such as grain, wine, salt, wool, cloth, and metals rather than on the luxury goods of the pioneer merchants. The increased volume of trade fostered a great deal of urban development as the merchants began to settle at locations to take advantage of the major trade routes that crisscrossed Europe and as local economies everywhere came to focus on market exchange. At the close of the medieval period in the late thirteenth century, Europe had about 3,000 cities containing some 4.2 million people, representing between about 15 to 20 percent of the total population. Most of these urban centers were small—with fewer than 2,000 people. Paris was the dominant European city, with a population of about 275,000. Besides Constantinople and Cordoba, only Milan, Genoa, Venice, Florence, and Bruges had more than 50,000 people. This then was the Europe that stood poised to extend its grasp to a global scale. in particular functions, such as banking or the production and sale of items like furniture or metalwork. The organic growth towns could have streets and alleys that were unplanned and quite narrow. The city defenses became probably the most important determinant of urban form. Urban development had to take place in stages, each of which was normally preceded by the construction of a new wall. 26 With urban growth concentrated inside the city wall, population density was high, and the constrained space caused different socioeconomic groups to be stratified vertically within the same building. For example, a merchant’s or crafts person’s shop would be on the main floor, and because there were no elevators, the family’s living quarters would be above on the next floor, the apprentice quarters would be above, with the servants up the stairs in the attic (Figure 2.20). To maximize street frontage, residential and commercial buildings were often aligned with their narrow or gable end fronting onto the main streets. The emerging regional specializations and trading patterns provided the foundations for a new phase of urbanization based on merchant capitalism . The key people in this system were the merchants who supplied the capital required to reestablish a vibrant system of long-distance trade—hence the label merchant capitalism . The merchants made the towns. They needed walls and wall builders, warehouses and guards, artisans to manufacture their trade goods, caskmakers, cart builders, smiths, shipwrights and sailors, soldiers and muleteers. They needed farmers and herdsmen out- side the walls to feed them; and bakers, brewers and FIGURE 2.20 A view of a narrow, now pedestrianized, street in Canterbury in England. Note how the “vertical” social stratification within the buildings is reflected in the size and ornateness of the windows on each floor. 38 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography URBAN VIEW 2.4 Hanseatic League Cities With its roots dating back to the twelfth century, the Hanseatic League was a trading association of independent German city-states around the North Sea and Baltic coasts. A trading arrangement initially between Hamburg and Lübeck provided a cooperative model for the merchants in other German cities. It involved an alliance between these two northern German towns that were located on either side of the Danish peninsula, Hamburg in the west and Lübeck in the east. Lübeck had access to the Baltic herring spawning grounds. Fish, which could be eaten on Fridays when meat could not, made up a high percentage of the Christian European diet at the time. Without refrigeration or canning, shipping this perishable product needed salt for salting, which was easily accessible to Hamburg from the nearby salt mines at Kiel. The merchants in Lübeck and Hamburg opened a trade route along the canal that was constructed between them and named for the source of the salt, Kiel. Although not approaching the level and extent of economic and political cooperation among the countries of today’s European Union, the Hanseatic League became the first great cooperative effort that united cities across a region of Europe into an economic association. These city-states entered into commercial agreements to promote trade through special privi- leges for members and to protect themselves against pirates and robber barons. Over time, more cities joined in pursuit of the trade security and increased opportunities that member- ship provided. Conversely, the League engaged in negotiation, bribes, blockades, embargoes, and even war against port cities that were hostile to the organization and wanted to break its monopoly. At its height, as many as 200 towns participated in this association that extended from Amsterdam to Reval (Tallinn) in Estonia and from Stockholm on Sweden’s Baltic Sea coast to important inland port cities along rivers, such as Lübeck, Hamburg, Köln (Cologne), and Magdeburg. Their foreign trading outposts, or counting houses, the forerunners of today’s stock exchanges, extended the influence of this powerful trading association to Bergen on Norway’s North Sea coast, Visby on the island of Gotland, London, Bruges in Flanders (Belgium), and Novgorod in Russia (Figure 2.21). Merchant capitalism and long-distance trade fueled urban expansion and the development of this system of trading cities, some of which, like London, later grew to global dominance. The trading association controlled the shipping of fish, salt, grain, timber, amber, fur, flax, and honey from Russia and the Baltic coast to the west, and cloth and manufactured goods from Flanders and England to the east. The Hanseatic League had its own financial and legal systems, as well as strong traditions of civic and individual rights. By the early sixteenth century, the Hanseatic League had begun to disintegrate—a casualty of factors that weakened its power, such as rivalry and internal struggles among League members, the new trade opportunities opened up by the dis- coveries of Columbus and da Gama, declining Baltic fish stocks, the social and political insecurities of the Reformation, the growing strength of trade competitors like the Dutch and later the English, and the encroachment into its trade routes by the Ottoman Empire. The difficulties of long-distance trade during the Thirty Years War (1618–48) further weakened the League and led to its demise. Interestingly, although the Hanseatic League met for the last time in 1669, it was never officially dissolved. It lives on in the names of German cities like “Hansestadt Lübeck” and “Freie und Hansestadt Hamburg.” Even today, Hamburg BRITAIN Bergen FRANCE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE RUSSIA Novgorod POLAND NORWAY KINGDOM OF SWEDEN Teutonic Knights DENMARK English Channel North Sea Baltic Sea The Hanseatic League Towns of the Hanseatic LeagueForeign depots FIGURE 2.21 Hanseatic League cities. The towns of the Hanseatic League and their foreign trading depots. (continued) Chapter 2 • The Origins and Growth of Cities and Urban Life 39 URBAN VIEW 2.4 Hanseatic League Cities (continued) and Bremen are individual city-states within Germany. The League’s legacy can been seen in the widespread use of German merchant and administrative terminology and in standardized sea travel and trade regulations, a first for the League. The League’s strong architectural legacy is also visible in the “stepped gable” design in the Hanseatic League towns as a way to make the buildings appear taller and show off their wealth (Figure 2.22). FIGURE 2.22 The facades of buildings in Brugge (Bruges), Belgium, with the characteristic stepped gables of Hanseatic League cities. Note how, in order to maximize street frontage, residential and commercial buildings were aligned with their narrow or gable end fronting onto the main streets. Urban Expansion and Consolidation during the Renaissance and Baroque Periods Between the fourteenth and eighteenth centuries, fundamental changes transformed not just the cities and urban systems of Europe but also the entire world economy. The Protestant Reformation and the scientific revolution of the Renaissance (from the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries) stimulated economic and social reorganization. While the Church and religious doctrine had been dominant in people’s lives during medieval times, the glorification of human reason and achieve- ment was foremost for people during the Renaissance. The scale and sophistication of merchant capitalism increased. Aggressive overseas colonization allowed Europeans to shape the world’s economies and societies. Spanish and Portuguese colonists were the first to connect other parts of the world into the European urban system. Beginning in 1520, it took just 60 years for these colonial powers to establish the basis of a Latin American urban system. The Spanish colonists founded their cities in the western parts of Latin America by rebuilding at the sites of conquered indigenous centers like Oaxaca and Mexico City in Mexico, Cuzco in Peru, and Quito in Ecuador or in regions of dense indigenous population, as in Puebla and Guadalajara in Mexico and Lima in Peru. These colonial cities were established primarily as administrative and military centers from which the Spanish Crown could occupy and exploit the New World. In contrast, the cities of the Portuguese colonists farther east, such as São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, were more commercial in nature. Although also motivated by exploitation, the Portuguese colonists located their colonial towns in the best places commercially for collecting and exporting the products of their mines and plantations. A major aspect of this urbanization and expansion of trade was the establishment of gateway cities around the world to act as links between one country or region and others. These control centers commanded entrance to, and exit from, t heir 40 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography expression brought about greater use of sculpture in public places, other forms of urban beautification, such as fountains, and the embellishment of monumental buildings that reached a peak with the Baroque period that began in the late sixteenth century. Merchant capitalism generated great wealth for the nobility of the various monarchies and countries, and their burgeoning spending power was used to build opulent palaces in many cities. City walls were built with more complex and costly designs during the Renaissance, such as star shaped, allowing the use of greater firepower against an attacking army (Figure 2.23). URBANIZATION AND THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION Large-scale manufacturing began in the English Midlands in the mid-1700s. The Industrial Revolution was a powerful impetus for urban growth because it brought fundamental changes in how and where goods—from textiles to machine tools—were produced. Previously, individual rural workers, like spinners and weavers, had carried out the different stages of the production process by hand in their own cottages. Now for the first time, all the stages of production were mechanized and combined under one roof—in factory buildings. Initially, access to a water source that could produce power for the machinery dictated the factories’ locations. In previously rural areas, urban settlements grew up around the new factories as the early industrialists provided housing to attract workers whose long working hours forced them to live nearby. Industrialization and cities grew hand in hand (Figure 2.24). The Industrial Revolution generated new kinds of cities—and many of them. Industrial economies needed what cities had to offer: the physical infrastructure of factories, warehouses, stores, and offices; the transportation networks; the large labor pools; and the consumer markets. In turn, industrialization particu lar country or region (for North America, see the Urban View 3.2 entitled “Vance’s Mercantile Model” in Chapter 3). The Europeans founded or enlarged thousands of towns in other parts of the world as they extended their trading networks and established their colonies. The great majority were ports protected by fortifications and European naval power. Beginning as colonial trading posts and administrative centers, some grew rapidly as gateways for colonial expansion into the continental interiors. European settlers came in through these cities, and produce from the continental interiors went out. Rio de Janeiro grew on the basis of gold mining; São Paulo on coffee; Buenos Aires on mutton, wool, and cereals; Kolkata (Calcutta) on jute, cotton, and textiles; Accra (in Ghana) on cocoa; and so on. These products in turn fueled urban growth in Europe. In terms of location, the exploitation of the New World gave a decisive advantage to the port cities along the North Sea and the Atlantic Coast. By 1700 London had grown to 500,000 people, while Lisbon and Amsterdam had each reached about 175,000. The cities of continental and Mediterranean Europe grew at a more modest rate. Between 1400 and 1700 Venice grew only from 110,000 to 140,000 people; Milan’s population did not grow at all. More integrated national urban systems evolved along with the centralization of political power and the formation of national states that characterized the Renaissance period. Best exemplified by the capital cities of Paris and Madrid, their central location nationally facilitated the process of political consolidation, which, in turn, gave both cities a further impetus for growth as they acquired important administrative functions. Regional capitals and seats of county government emerged to fill out the evolving national urban systems. The overall appearance and internal structure of cities in Europe changed during the Renaissance with the introduction of new forms of art, architecture, and urban planning. Especially in the capital cities, the flourishing of artistic and architectural FIGURE 2.23 Sabbioneta, Italy, was built by Vespasiano Gonzaga in the mid-sixteenth century as an ideal town, with a central piazza, a ducal palace, churches, garden palace, theater, and residences all encompassed within a star-shaped plan, bounded by thick walls bearing the Gonzaga family crest. Chapter 2 • The Origins and Growth of Cities and Urban Life 41 changed the appearance, internal structure, and functioning of cities. Whole districts of factory buildings grew up with their grimy smokestacks, deafening machinery, and general hustle- and-bustle of industrial activity (see the Urban View 2.5 entitled “Manchester: Shock City of European Industrialization”). With industrial inputs and products transported mainly by trains, new tracks, stations, and rail traffic began to play a significant role in these cities, as did the new public transportation systems of trolleys and subways. The industrial period also heralded the development of the central business district (CBD) with its office buildings and corporate headquarters for the new companies. Large tracts of worker housing were built. This row housing, typical of English cities, was often cramped and poorly constructed. Rural development and urban growth were intimately connected in the industrialized regions of Europe and North America (Figure 2.26). Agricultural productivity benefited from the mechanization and the innovative techniques that had been developed in cities. The higher productivity released rural dwellers to work in the growing manufacturing sector in the towns and cities, at the same time providing the additional food to support a growing urban population. This process, rein- forced by the agricultural tools, machinery, fertilizer, and other products made in the cities, allowed even greater increases in 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 Population in Billions Total Population Urban Population 1000 1100 1200 1300 1400 1500 1600 1700 1800 1900 2000 2010 FIGURE 2.24 World urban population growth over time. Note the tremendous explosion in the number of people living in towns and cities that was triggered by the Industrial Revolution. URBAN VIEW 2.5 Manchester: Shock City of European Industrialization Manchester was the shock city of European industrialization in the nineteenth century. It grew from a small town of 15,000 people in 1750 to a city of 70,000 in 1801, a metropolis of 500,000 in 1861, and a world city of 2.3 million by 1911. A shock city is seen at the time as the embodiment of surprising and disturbing changes in economic, social, and cultural life. Manchester was an archetypal form of an entirely new kind of city—the industrial city —whose fundamental reason for existence was not its military, political, ecclesiastical, or trading functions, as in earlier generations of cities. Instead, Manchester ex isted to assemble raw materials and to fabricate, assemble, and distribute manufactured goods. The city had to cope with record rates of growth and associ- ated unprecedented economic, social, and political problems for many of its residents (Figure 2.25). Manchester was also FIGURE 2.25 Manchester, the shock city of European industrialization. (continued) 42 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography URBAN VIEW 2.5 Manchester: Shock City of European Industrialization ( continued) a world city , in which a disproportionate share of the world’s most important business—economic, political, and cultural— is conducted. At the top of a global urban system, such cities experience growth largely as a result of their role as key nodes in the world economy. Friedrich Engels surveyed the dreadful living conditions of the working poor in the shock city of Manchester in 1844: One walks along a very rough path on the river bank, in between clothes-posts and washing lines to reach a chaotic group of little, one-storied, one-roomed cabins. Most of them have earth floors, and working, living and sleeping all take place in one room. In such a hole, barely six feet long and five feet wide, I saw two beds—and what beds and bedding!—which filled the room, except for the fireplace and the doorstep. Several of these huts, as far as I could see, were completely empty, although the door was open and the inhabitants were leaning against the door posts. In front of the doors filth and garbage abounded. I could not see the pavement, but from time to time, I felt it was there because my feet scraped it. This whole collection of cattle sheds for human beings was surrounded on two sides by houses and a factory and on a third side by a river . . . All along the Irk [river] slums of this type abound. 28 Johann Kohl, who traveled through the English Midlands in the 1840s, captured how the profound changes associated with industrialization played out in the working lives of the countless factory workers in Manchester: It was a cold, damp, foggy morning in December, that I took my leave of Manchester. I rose earlier than usual; it was just at the hour when, from all quarters of the busy town, the manufacturing labourers crowded the streets as they hurried to their work. I opened the window and looked out. The numberless lamps burning in the streets, sent a dull, sickly, melancholy light through the thick yellow mist. At a distance I saw huge factories, which, at first wrapt in total darkness, were brilliantly illuminated from top to bottom in a few minutes, when the hour of work began. As neither cart nor van yet traversed the streets, and there was little other noise abroad, the clapping of wooden shoes upon the crowded pavement, resounded strangely in the empty streets. In long rows on every side, and in every direction, hurried forward thousands of men, women, and children. They spoke not a word, but huddling up their frozen hands in their cotton clothes, they hastened on, clap, clap, along the pavement, to their dreary and monotonous occupation. Gradually the crowd grew thinner and thinner, and the clapping died away. When hundreds of clocks struck out the hour of six, the streets were again silent and deserted, and the giant factories had swallowed the busy population. All at once, almost in a moment, arose on every side a low, rushing, and surging sound, like the sighing of wind among trees. It was the chorus raised by hundreds of thousands of wheels and shuttles, large and small, and by the panting and rushing from hundreds of thousands of steam-engines. 29 agricultural productivity. This kind of urbanization is a special case of cumulative causation , where particular places enjoy a spiral buildup of advantages due to the development of external economies, agglomeration economies, and localization economies . As industrialization spread across Europe, the pace of urbanization increased (Figure 2.27). The higher wages and greater opportunities for people in the cities attracted a massive influx of rural workers. Declining death rates associated with the Demographic Transition in Europe contributed to the rapid urban population growth. This growth in population in turn provided a huge increase in the labor supply during the nineteenth century, further boosting the rate of urbanization not only in Europe but also in the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa, as emigration spread industrialization and urbanization to the frontiers of the world-system . With time, however, the breakthrough technology of coal- fired steam power freed industry to locate in existing population centers or close to resources, like coal mines. Industrialists no longer had to attract workers to their factories. There was also an overabundance of workers due to fewer farm work- ers being needed because of increased agricultural productiv- ity and the large number of small landholders left landless by the consolidation of smaller farms into larger, more efficient ones. Improvements in technology caused overproduction, Improved tools, machinery Migration of surplus rural labor Increased food supply Industrialization Colonization of prime land Improved farming techniques Increased agricultural productivity Urbanization FIGURE 2.26 The urbanization-industrialization process. Chapter 2 • The Origins and Growth of Cities and Urban Life 43 the slums were appalling (see the Urban View 2.6 entitled “Residential Segregation in Mid-Nineteenth Century Glasgow, Scotland”). Public sanitation and water systems were poor or nonexistent. Outbreaks of water-borne diseases such as cholera and typhoid were common. while international competition increased as industrialization spread from England to the European mainland and beyond. Prices dropped, producers cut costs, and wages fell. Long hours for little pay made it a struggle for workers to pay for housing, which led to overcrowding. Living conditions of people in Paris London MilanBerlin Manchester RUHR SILESIA BOHEMIA DONBAS CATALONIA ATLANTIC OCEAN North Sea Baltic Sea Mediterranean Sea 1870 1914 1850 0 150 300 Kilometers 0 150 300 Miles Principal industrial regions Golden Triangle Direction of spread FIGURE 2.27 The spread of industrialization and industrial cities in Europe. European industrialization began with the emergence of small industrial regions in several parts of Britain, where early industrialization drew on local mineral resources, water powe r, and early industrial technologies. As new rounds of industrial and transportation technologies emerged, industrialization spread to regio ns with favorable locational attributes (access to raw materials and energy sources, good communications, and large labor markets). The “Golden Triangle” is Europe’s economic core region that centers on the area between London, Paris, and Berlin, and includes the early i ndustrial regions of southeastern England, northeastern France, and the Ruhr district of Germany. 44 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography the case for merchant capitalism, the industrialization of Europe and North America depended on the exploitation of other regions. As we will see in Chapters 5, 6, and 7, the international division of labor that inevitably resulted from this relationship had a significant impact on the patterns and processes of urbanization that affected people outside Europe and North America. In the next chapter we turn our attention to the foundations of the North American urban system. By the nineteenth century, urbanization had become an important dimension of the world-system in its own right. In 1800 less than 5 percent of the world’s 980 million people lived in towns and cities. By 1850, 16 percent of the world’s population was urban, and there were more than 900 cities of 100,000 or more around the world. The Industrial Revolution and European colonization had created unprecedented concentrations of people in cities that were connected in networks and hierarchies of interdependence. As was URBAN VIEW 2.6 Residential Segregation in Mid-Nineteenth Century Glasgow, Scotland As the Industrial Revolution progressed, so too did residential segregation. Michael Pacione provides a stark description of living conditions in the tenement slum areas of central Glasgow by the middle of the nineteenth century: The westward migration of the wealthy from the old town not only introduced socio-spatial polarisation into what had been in the eighteenth century a heterogeneous urban structure, but freed land and housing for other uses. Those parts of the old city abandoned by the elite were colonised by a working-class population that was burgeoning in response to the new industries’ demand for labour. Residences previously occupied by a single wealthy family were ‘made down’ to accommodate large numbers of the poor in grossly crowded conditions . . . . In 1861 two-thirds of Glasgow’s population of 394,864 lived in houses with only one or two rooms, and of these 60 per cent shared a room with at least four others. Overcrowding was intensi- fied by property speculators building on any available open space to produce ‘backjams’ and ‘backlands’ tenements, which were either added to existing buildings or erected in the erstwhile gardens of the formerly wealthy burgher residences. By the mid-nineteenth century the old city was a congeries of poor-quality housing. One shelter visited [in 1858] in a dark ravine of a close housed a husband, wife and two children and comprised a ‘sort of hole in the wall’ measuring six shoe lengths in breadth, between eight and nine in length from the bed to the fireplace, and of a height which made it difficult to stand upright. Densities of 1,000 persons per acre were commonplace. 30 FOLLOW UP Hanseatic League (p. 37) Industrial Revolution (p. 19) merchant capitalism (p. 37) Mesopotamia (p. 23) organic growth (p. 25) shock city (p. 41) Silk Road (p. 28) Key Terms central business district (CBD) (p. 41) city-state (p. 24) colonial cities (p. 39) Dark Ages (p. 20) Demographic Transition (p. 42) Fertile Crescent (p. 24) gateway cities (p. 39) gridiron street pattern (p. 25) specialization, organized religion, bureaucratic govern- ment, and international trade. 2. “A common approach to examining the internal structure of cities is to identify whether the layout of an urban area was largely unplanned or planned” (p. 25). Go online and search for a map of an ancient or contemporary city from a region of the world that particularly interests you. While being aware that all cities are subject to change over time, study the layout of the streets, transportation routes, and other features of your 1. Do a search of YouTube to find the first episode in the six-part Legacy: The Origins of Civilization series that was written and hosted by historian Michael Wood and produced by Maryland Public Television and Central Independent Television, UK (1991). This episode, Iraq: The Cradle of Civilization , provides an excellent account of the beginning of urban civilization in southern Iraq more than 5,000 years ago. It illustrates some of the important changes associated with the shift to urban life such as occupational Review Activities Chapter 2 • The Origins and Growth of Cities and Urban Life 45 city’s internal layout to try to determine if the city was largely planned or unplanned, or whether over time different parts appeared to have been planned while others were unplanned. Think about what kinds of political, economic, social, tech-nological, and environmental processes may have influenced the layout of your city. Then search some more to find out about the history of urban planning for your city that can shed light on what you have concluded from your analysis of the map. 3. Chicago was the shock city of North American industrial- ization. Do some research online or in the library to find out why. How important was this city’s location? Then find some information about the tremendous changes that were associated with Chicago’s industrial growth—in population growth, modes of transportation, and the kinds of raw materials that were brought in for the city’s milling, meatpacking, tanning, and woodworking industries. 4. Work on your e-portfolio. Look for additional materials that can help you flesh out what you have learned in this chapter. Go online and research some examples of Mesopotamian, Greek, Roman, or medieval towns to find out how and why they were established and whether they have survived and why or why not. Think about how you can make the aspects of urbaniza- tion described in this chapter meaningful to you personally. Find some contemporary accounts of life in cities at different points during the extensive span of time covered in this chapter. Think about how very different life was for different urban residents in earlier centuries compared to your life today. Log in to www.mygeoscienceplace.com for self-study quizzes, MapMaster layered thematic and place name interactive maps, Urban View Google Earth TM tours, key resources and suggested readings, related websites,“In the News” RSS feeds, and additional references and resources to enhance your study of the origins and growth of cities and urban life. 3 Foundations: The U.S. Urban System and Its Cities I n the United States urbanization has evolved in step with economic and societal changes. Towns and cities have played a central role in the economy since the seventeenth century, when Europeans established their first outposts of settlement on North American soil. Urban areas have been crucial in a rapid transition from a dependent, preindustrial society and economy to a globalized form of capitalism where cities function as nodes in a world economic system. During each major phase of this evolution, people developed new resources, technologies, and business organizations and cities were changed to accommodate the new economic order. In some cities these changes occurred sequentially and the outcomes were superimposed one on the other. In others the new economic systems were not always profitable or appropriate. As a result, the impact of each phase of change was felt in different ways and to different degrees by people in different cities. Nevertheless, it is possible to identify several distinctive periods in the evolution of the urban system, each reflecting changes in the rhythm of the economic, social, governance, technology and infrastructure systems discussed in Chapter 1. Chapter In the 1920s the commercial development of the internal combustion engine unleashed social, economic, and political forces that changed the physical shape of urban areas. Just when downtown areas had established their unrivaled domi- nance and internal functional specialization, a new logic of transportation and location associated with cars and trucks led to the decentralization of many of their retailing, wholesaling, manufacturing, and office functions. This left CBDs like the one in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, shown here in 1935, more specialized and less dominant. 47 CHAPTER PREVIEW This chapter follows the evolution of the U.S. urban system through five distinctive periods that together estab- lished the foundations for the contemporary urban system. As we will see, this set of urban settlements is both the product of , and a continuing framework for, processes of economic, technological, demographic, political, and social change. Each successive phase of urbanization brought new patterns of settlement, new kinds of towns and cities, and new patterns of trade and migration of people between towns and cities. Each change also brought new challenges for understanding the underlying processes of change. As we follow the development of the urban system, therefore, we will also follow the emergence of key ideas, concepts, and theories about urbanization. We begin with the earliest period of urban development, the frontier urbanization around which the U.S. economy was organized until independence. The second distinctive period (1790–1840) was one of mer- chant trading, or mercantilism, during which there emerged a more extensive system of central places, or local LEARNING OUTCOMES After reading this chapter, you should be able to: ■ Recognize the existence of broad phases in the historical development of the U.S. urban system, and how these phases relate to ongoing process of economic, technological, demographic, political, and social change. ■ Appraise how gateway cities, entrepôts, and hinterlands played complementary roles in the frontier urbanization phase of U.S. urban development. ■ Understand the basic principles of urban growth and change that have shaped the U.S. urban system. ■ Assess the role of streetcar and railroad development in changing the geography of land use within the city. ■ Describe the impacts of economic reorganization and demographic change on the urban system in the early 20th century. 48 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography marketing and service centers. The third period (1840–1875) was characterized by an expansion and realignment of the urban system in response to early industrialization, the mechanization of agriculture, and immigration. With these changes in mind, we will discuss some of the key principles underpinning urban growth, urban systems, and the spatial pattern of central places. With the fourth distinctive period, industrialization (1875–1920), we will see the effects of principles of indus- trial location on the development and adaptation of the urban system. We will also notice how and why urban-industrial development is inherently uneven and unstable—part of a constantly changing landscape of investment, disinvestment, and reinvestment by people. The fifth period corresponds with the emergence of Fordism and mass-produced cars, trucks, and airplanes (1920–1945), which significantly changed the spatial organi- zation of the urban system. This was also a period that saw some important changes in corporate organization by busi- nesspeople and a severe economic depression. We will see how these developments affected the fundamental organization of the U.S. political economy and, therefore, the very foundations of urban development and urban life. FRONTIER URBANIZATION Although there were many small urban settlements in North America before the sixteenth century (Figure 3.1), the first large towns and cities were those that Europeans established as outposts of their economies. Spanish colonialism was the first to leave its imprint. Guided by the Laws of the Indies (dating from 1583), Spanish settlers in Florida and the Southwest planted towns that were laid out with a rectangular grid of streets surrounding a large central plaza. The earliest of these planned communities was La Villa Real de Santa Fe (Santa Fe, New Mexico), founded in 1610 as the administra- tive center for New Spain’s northernmost frontier. Over the Life for people during the period of frontier urbanization came with some social problems that we might recognize today. 1 As in urban centers elsewhere, a good water source was vital for the colonists, but not necessarily for drinking! Breweries were some of the earliest buildings to be constructed. The colonists usually drank water as a last resort; they preferred beer (and so drunkenness was a serious problem). Water was largely reserved for domestic uses and for putting out fires. In fact, the Massachusetts laws of 1638 and 1646 that forbid smoking “out of dores” or near Boston’s Town House were dictated less by Puritan intolerance and more by the fact that “fires have bene often occasioned by taking tobacco.” 2 Sanitary regulations in 1652 in Boston required that all gar- bage be buried and included a fine for anyone who threw “any intralls of beast or fowles or stinkeing thing, in any hie way or dich or Common.” 3 In Newport, the problem of privies and sew- age disposal made the streets very unpleasant, “as several Privy houses sett against ye Streets” emptied into the streets where passersby were always in danger of “Spoiling & Damnifying” their clothes. 4 A police force was soon needed to protect the community against disorderly conduct, public drunkenness, and criminal activities by some inhabitants. The titles and functions of the earliest police officers were, not surprisingly, European in origin, and included the (English) constable in Boston. His range of duties could be seen from a typical Massachusetts law of 1646: Evry cunstable  .  .  .  hath, by virtue of his office, full powr to make, signe, & put forth pursuits, or hues & cries, after murthrers, manslayrs, peace breakrs, theeves, robbers, burglarers, where no ma[gis]strate is at hand; also to apphend without warrant such as are ovr taken with drinke, swearing, breaking ye Saboth, lying, vagrant psons, night walkers, or any other yt shall break o[u]r laws; .  .  . also to make search for all such psons . . . in all houses licensed to sell either beare or wine, or in any othr suspected or disordered places, & those to apphend, & keepe in safe custody . . . 5 In the performance of their duties, some people ignored the authority of the constables. In 1643, when Job Tyler was summoned to court by the constable, “he sd he car’d not a fart [or] turd for all their warrants.” 6 Both men and women broke the law. In 1672 the Court convicted Gillian Knight of “Enticing Danll Herring to her house & there Embracing him pick’t his pocket and Stole Seven Shillings from him.” 7 That same year, the Widow Alice Thomas was convicted of running a brothel by giving “frequent secret and unseasonable Entertainment in her house to Lewd Lascivious & notorious persons of both Sexes, giving them opportunity to commit carnall wickedness.” 8 URBAN VIEW 3.1 Frontier Urbanization and Some Problems of Daily Life FIGURE 3.1 Tyuonyl Anasazi Pueblo in Frijoles Canyon, Bandelier National Monument, New Mexico. Tree-ring analyses date con- struction of this settlement of community houses and central plaza within a stone oval-shaped enclosure to between 1383 and 1466 C.E. Chapter 3 • Foundations: The U.S. Urban System and Its Cities 49 from the Dutch, renamed it New York, established it as the capital of the New York colony, and set about developing the best natural harbor on the entire Atlantic seaboard into a major port. Charles Town (later Charleston) was estab- lished as the capital of the Carolinas in 1680, and William Penn established Philadelphia as the capital of Pennsylvania in 1682 (Figure 3.2). The embryonic urban system operated as a string of gateway cities : control points for the (1) assembly of staple commodities for export, (2) distribution of imported manufac- tured goods, and (3) civil administration of the new territories. For some time each gateway port operated quite independently, having more linkages with European cities than with each other. As colonization extended, a hierarchy of settlements began to develop. Places with better resources and accessibility became larger and acquired a broader range of services. Meanwhile, the need to rationalize transatlantic shipping schedules prompted the development of a network of coastal shipping between the largest ports. As a result, a few cities—Boston (Figure 3.3), Charleston, Newport, New York, and Philadelphia—were able to establish themselves as major entrepôts: intermediary centers of trade and transshipment. As these entrepôts grew, they came to dominate larger and larger hinterlands (market areas) in which smaller settlements emerged as local market towns. In time these market towns became inland gateways that acted as bulking points and provided an array of services for the frontier farmers. By the time of the Revolution in 1775, the most notable were Hartford, Middletown, and Norwich (Connecticut), Albany (New York), Lancaster (Pennsylvania), and Richmond (Virginia). As the 13 colonies merged into an American union, the largest city was New York, with about 25,000 inhabitants. Philadelphia was almost as large, with about 24,000; Boston was next biggest, with about 16,000; and Baltimore, Charleston, and Newport all had between 10,000 and 12,000 inhabitants. The inland gateway cities were all relatively small, none exceeding 10,000 people. next 150 years or more, Spanish settlers founded a series of “pueblos” (centers of commerce and administration), “missions” (centers for religious conversion), and “presidios” (military outposts), all of which, as they grew, acquired a mixture of commercial, administrative, religious, and mili- tary functions. Among the settlements founded by Spanish colonists were Saint Augustine, San Antonio, Santa Barbara, Los Angeles, San Diego, and San Francisco. Not long after the founding of Santa Fe, Dutch settlers sailed into the Hudson estuary and established a fur trading post they called New Amsterdam. The French were less interested in colonization than in opportunities for trade, but as they foraged through the Great Lakes and along the Mississippi River system they established trading posts that slowly grew into small towns. These included Québec, Montréal, Detroit, St. Louis, and New Orleans. It was English colonization, however, that established the most vigorous roots of the U.S. urban system. In Virginia, the Jamestown colony, founded in 1607, began the cultiva- tion of tobacco for export to Europe and established the first representative government on the continent. Nearby Williamsburg, established in 1663 as a stockaded refuge from Native Americans, became the capital of the Virginia colony in 1699 after fire destroyed much of Jamestown. Although profitable, tobacco cultivation was labor intensive. In 1619 the first Africans were brought to Virginia to work on the tobacco plantations. By 1807, when Britain banned its subjects from participating in the slave trade, 600,000 to 650,000 Africans had been forcibly transported to North America. In New England, Boston, founded in 1630 as a “City upon a Hill” in a celebration of spirituality, soon became a prosperous center of trade and commerce. Newport, on Rhode Island, was founded by a group of religious dissenters in 1639 as a haven for the persecuted, but, with the best natural harbor in southern New England, it too developed into a trading port. In 1664 the British took New Amsterdam FIGURE 3.2 Plan of Philadelphia, 1683, laid out with primary north-south and east-west streets intersecting at a central town square containing public structures such as government buildings and churches, with grid blocks delineated by secondary streets and fo ur minor squares. The preplanned layout facilitated settlement by allowing colonists to select a parcel for their new home before leavin g Europe. 50 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography of the Great Lakes and the Hudson, Ohio, and Mississippi river systems with networks of canals. As a result, two east-west corridors of trade merged. The first stretched from New York up the Hudson and the Erie Canal (opened in 1825) to the east- ern Great Lakes, where Buffalo, Cleveland, Detroit, Chicago, and Milwaukee emerged as important wholesaling centers. THE MERCANTILE PERIOD (1790–1840) Although only 1 in 20 people lived in towns or cities, city-based newspapers, lawyers, and merchants greatly influenced the Constitution that was framed in Philadelphia in May 1787. The result was a Constitution that favored city-based manufacture and trade— and therefore stimulated city growth —by preventing the fragmentation of the economy were states allowed to set their own import taxes, coin their own money, or issue their own bills of credit. The political independence gained by the colonies as a result of the Constitution stimulated the develop- ment of the urban system in other ways: • It became practical—and necessary—for economic links to be established between towns and cities whose main linkages under the colonial system had been with European ports. • It meant that a much greater proportion of investment was financed by U.S. capital, with the result that fewer profits “leaked” back to the European urban system. • It required a proliferation of government functions, from county courthouses and town halls to state capitals and, of course, the development of the District of Columbia, chosen in 1790 as the permanent seat of federal government. • It was associated with westward expansion (following the Northwest Ordinances of 1785 and 1787, the Louisiana Purchase of 1803, and the addition of Texas and the territories acquired from Mexico in 1846) which required frontier towns like Santa Fe that subsequently matured into local service centers. The most striking growth occurred in gateway cities—New Orleans (Figure 3.4), St. Louis, and other river ports—that were located at strategic points along rivers that linked the new west- ern territories with the larger cities of the Atlantic seaboard. East Coast merchants, however, were not content to miss out on the lucrative trade. Their response was to tap the waterways FIGURE 3.3 Boston in 1770. Boston was important during the early development of the U.S. urban system because of its role as an entrepôt, an intermediary center of trade and transshipment between colonial America and cities in northwestern Europe. FIGURE 3.4 The most striking urban growth during the Mercantile period took place in river ports. New Orleans grew very rapidly because of its situation as a gateway to the entire Mississippi system. This view is from about 1862. Chapter 3 • Foundations: The U.S. Urban System and Its Cities 51 By 1840 the U.S. urban system had become independent and was on the way to becoming integrated. New York had grown to 391,114 and had increased its lead over Philadelphia (93,665) by a significant margin. Meanwhile, Baltimore and New Orleans topped 100,000 and Boston had grown to more than 93,000. A few regional centers such as Cincinnati and Albany had populations between 25,000 and 50,000, while larger centers such as Louisville and Richmond stood at about 20,000 (roughly the size of Washington, D.C.). Most towns had populations of 15,000 or less; Chicago had fewer than 5,000 people. Inside the Mercantile City Just as we can consider the urban system as both the result of and the framework for processes of economic, demographic, social and other changes, so too can we view the spatial form and organization of cities themselves. Changing patterns of urban form and land use must, like the changing urban system, be understood in relation to the rhythms of the economy and society. The evolution of urban form stems not only from the history of economic development, migration, and immigration but also from the interaction of economic and demographic growth phases with changes in social structure and lifestyles, innovations in building materials and construction techniques, advances in urban transportation, and changes in the legal framework of land ownership, land use law, and land use policy. The second stretched across the mountains from Philadelphia and Baltimore to Pittsburgh and the Ohio Valley, where Cincinnati and Louisville became important inland gateways. As the urban system expanded and trade between cities increased, particular cities and regions were able to specialize according to their comparative advantage (the economic activity, given local conditions, that could be undertaken most efficiently, compared to other places). Cincinnati, for example, specialized in hog processing, earning the nickname “Porkopolis.” Manufacturing began to contribute to the growth of the leading eastern ports, while some towns in the more heavily populated and intensively developed northeast— Albany, Lowell, Newark, Poughkeepsie, Providence, Springfield, and Wilmington—became the cradle of the Industrial Revolution in the United States. Immigration provided an important source for peopling both the frontier and the growing ports and inland gateways. By the American Revolution (1775–1783), the colonial population had reached about 2.5 million, of which more than 500,000 were African-American slaves, 250,000 were Scots-Irish, and 200,000 were German. Meanwhile, an increasingly important impetus to urban growth was improved agricultural productivity. Urbanization was fueled by advances in farm productivity that (1) provided the food to support the increased numbers of townspeople and (2) released agricultural workers who moved to towns and cities, swelling the numbers of producers and consumers. URBAN VIEW 3.2 Vance’s Mercantile Model One model of the development of the North American urban system is the mercantile model by urban geographer James Vance, Jr. According to Vance, external (European) influences and long-distance trade were particularly important in estab- lishing the geometry of the North American urban hierarchy through five distinctive stages (Figure 3.5). 1. Exploration . Voyages of exploration to North America by entrepreneurs from Europe in search of economic opportunities. 2. Harvesting natural resources . Colonists establish settle- ments in order to exploit natural resources such as the codfish of the Grand Banks off Newfoundland and timber and beaver pelts from New England. 3. Emergence of agricultural production and coastal gateway cities. The colonists’ permanent settlements and farms become associated with the development of an embryonic urban system geared to exporting agricultural staples such as grain, salted meat, indigo (blue dye), tobacco, and cotton to Europe, and importing manufactured goods and luxury items from Europe. Gateway cities along the coast (Vance’s “points of attachment”) become the focus of the emergent system (Figure 3.5). 4. Establishment of inland gateway cities. Settlement spreads f arther inland due to continued demand for agricultural exports and increased colonization. This requires the development of long-distance routes and inland gateway cities that serve as “depots of staple collection” at strategic locations along these routes (Figure 3.5). This stage corresponds to the “frontier urbanization” described on p. 48, with entrepôts and inland gateway cities functioning as wholesale collection centers for agricultural products intended for export to Europe. 5. Domestic market and urban system infilling . The domestic market grows large and affluent enough to sustain the growth of domestic manufacturing. The gateway ports, entrepôts, and inland gateways attract much of this economic activity because of their established populations and good accessibility. Meanwhile, colonists spread out from the long-distance routes and establish agricultural settlements that begin to support subregional systems of market towns (p. 57). But the established ports, entrepôts, and inland gateways, with much larger markets and better distribution networks, are the places that can offer the most exclusive and expensive goods and services. So long-distance trade, rather than local markets, establish the spatial pattern of the cities, like New York, Boston, and Chicago, that come to function as the leading centers of the maturing urban system. (continued) 52 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography URBAN VIEW 3.2 Vance’s Mercantile Model ( continued) Initial search phase of mercantilliam Periodic staple production Testing of Productivity and Harvest of Natural Storage Economic information Search for knowledge Ships with producers plus their staple production Fishermen and other producers Fish Timber Furs Point of Attachment Planning of settlers who produce staples and consume manufactures of the home country Introduction of internal trade and manufacture in the colony The Mercantile Model Based on Exogenic Forces Introducing Basic Structure The Central-place Model Based on “Agriculturalism” with Endogenic Sorting-and-Ordering to Begin with Rapid growth of Home Manufacture to Supply Colony and Growing Metropolitan Population Depot of StapleCollection Mercantile Model with Domination by Internal Trade (That is with Emergence of Central-Place Model Infilling) Central-place Model with a Mercantile Model Overlay (That is the Accentuation of Importance of Cities with the Best Developed External Ties) Entrepôts of Wholesaling FIGURE 3.5 Vance’s model of mercantile settlement. Chapter 3 • Foundations: The U.S. Urban System and Its Cities 53 • a number of occupationally distinctive but socially mixed districts. • a residual population of the very poor living in the back alleys and on the fringes of the city. • everything at a human scale: a walking city in which home and work were tightly connected by the organiza- tion of work into patriarchal and familial groupings. These features, common to preindustrial cities around much of the world, could be found in cities of the early nineteenth century: Charleston, S. C., for example (the sixth-largest city in the United States until 1830). 11 Beyond these broad parallels, however, the truth is that U.S. cities exhibited all kinds of exceptions to any set of generalizations. They were young, still shaped by local, idiosyncratic, and contin-gent factors. They were growing rapidly and had no time to “shake down” into the classic preindustrial patterns of the cities of medieval Europe and feudal Asia. And before they could, they were overtaken by the revolutionary forces of industrialization. EARLY INDUSTRIAL EXPANSION AND REGIONAL REALIGNMENT (1840–1875) The transition from a trading economy to a mature agricul- tural and embryonic industrial one took place during the 1840s for several reasons. One reason was the arrival of indus- trial technology and methods of industrial and commercial organization from the hearth of the Industrial Revolution in Europe. Another was accelerating improvements in agri- cultural productivity and the ability to colonize formerly marginal land as a result of mechanization that had begun in the mercantile period. With less labor needed on farms, rural-to-urban migration fueled the urbanization process. At the same time, higher levels of agricultural production were able to feed the growing numbers of immigrants who were also fueling urban growth and providing the labor needed in new factories (Figure 3.7). Within each phase of urban development, many consider innovations in transport systems to have been the single most significant determinant of urban form and land use. Transport systems controlled the density and areal extent of urban develop- ment and gave expression to the pent-up energies of successive phases of economic and social change. The Pedestrian City In the mercantile city, the character of economic development and the lack of fast inexpensive forms of transportation gave rise to very compact cities with distinctive patterns of land use. People walked, and most goods were moved by hand cart or horse cart. The result was a loose intermingling of activities. Because most towns and cities of any size were seaports or river ports, the hub of economic activity was the waterfront, dominated by merchants’ offices, workshops, warehouses, and wharves. Clustered nearby were hotels, churches, retail stores, and public buildings, together with the homes of prominent fam- ilies. Housing for artisans, storekeepers, and laborers edged into vacant spaces and extended to the edge of town, where commercial activities that needed extra space (such as textile mills), large quantities of stream water (breweries for example), or were particularly noxious (like slaughterhouses and tanneries) located. There was little separation between home and workplace. Factory owners often built their homes next to their facto- ries; artisans and storekeepers lived above or behind their workshop or store; laborers and service workers lived off alleyways and in lofts; servants lived in the upper floors of their masters’ houses; and, in Southern cities, slaves lived in compounds behind the main house. As cities increased in population and density, enclaves of specialization began to emerge around clusters of workshops and factories and around concentrations of ethnic groups. Boston’s North End, for example, became a distinctive Irish quarter in the early nineteenth century. Nevertheless, the mercantile city was so compact that short distances separated poor from rich and artisan from laborer, and no enclave was large enough to be thought of as a separate specialized district. Models of the Mercantile City Bearing some resem blance to the pedestrian city , the best-known and most influen- tial model is Sjoberg’s preindustrial city 9in which the social pyramid—a large group of outcasts and laborers, a smaller group of artisans, and an even smaller elite group—is reflected in the city’s spatial pattern (Figure 3.6). This generalization has been questioned by James Vance, Jr., 10 who gives greater emphasis to the mosaic of occupational subdistricts and downplays the extent of a fringe of low-income laborers, placing them instead as lodgers scattered within these various subdistricts. What is important, however, is not so much these details as the over- all structure. Both Sjoberg and Vance describe preindustrial cities as having • a central core dominated socially by the residences of an elite group. Elite Lower class Outcasts Domesticservants Ethnic or occupational districts Class Pyramid Residential Patterns FIGURE 3.6 The relationship between class structure and place of residence in the preindustrial city (after Sjoberg). 54 Urbanization: An Introduction to Urban Geography of Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish immigrants, and spreading to southern and eastern Europe—involving Italians and Jews, as well as Slavs from the Austro-Hungarian Empire—during the 1880s and 1890s. Because many of the new industrial technologies had specific locational requirements (proximity to large quantities of raw materials, for example, or accessibility to a variety of dif ferent suppliers or markets), this phase of urbanization brought the emergence of some new towns and cities and the rapid growth of previously very small settlements. There were four categories of newcomers: 1. Power sites that attracted industries that consumed significant quantities of energy. Before the widespread use of coal-fired steam technology and, later, electricity, the power of falling or running water was important. This led to the appearance of a series of industrial towns along the Fall Line in New England and the eastern margins of the Appalachians, such as Allentown and Harrisburg in Pennsylvania. 2. Mining towns that sprang up to provide the coal and ores needed by the industrial economy, such as Appalachian coalfield towns like Norton, Virginia. 3. Transportation centers that emerged at strategic locations made accessible by the canal and railroad network, such as Roanoke, Virginia, a typical example of a railroad town. 4. Heavy manufacturing towns whose dependence on large volumes of raw materials tied them to the source areas of those inputs. Pittsburgh, already an important river port and wholesaling center, would become the steel- town thanks to its location near coalfields and deposits of iron ore. The development of steam-powered riverboats and the railroad network were central to the evolution of the new industrial economy and urban system. Ports and lakeside cities such as Chicago, Cincinnati, Memphis, and Nashville pros- pered because they were able to operate as interfaces between established trading routes and the budding railroad system. Beginning in 1840, a great influx of immigrants began to arrive from Europe (Figure 3.8). Severe famines in Ireland in the 1830s and 1840s, combined with a British “laissez faire” policy and the rationalization of agriculture from small farms to larger estates, fueled mass migration. By 1850, the economic and social changes associated with rapid industrialization and the mechanization of agriculture had prompted an even greater exodus of people from the German states, France, and Belgium, extending to Scandinavia by the la

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